The Law of the Land: Of Miss Lady, Whom It Involved in Mystery, and of John Eddring, Gentleman of the South, Who Read Its Deeper Meaning: A NovelHough, Emerson
General
The Law of the Land: Of Miss Lady, Whom It Involved in Mystery, and of John Eddring, Gentleman of the South, Who Read Its Deeper Meaning: A Novel
Hough, Emerson
Southern States -- Fiction
"Your Honor, and gentlemen, we are not here today to conclude that
God set the white man over the black. We are to conclude simply that
He set him _apart_ from the black man. The divine right of slavery was
an impiety, and, worst of all, an absurdity. The South made that
mistake, and bitter has been the price of her folly. Yet the South,
having sinned, paid the price of her sinning in all ways exacted of
her. She accepted the ruling of the North, and, as a distinguished
orator once said, surrendered 'bravely and frankly.' But she did not
admit, and please God, never will admit, that those fresh from
savagery should govern the white men, that they should institute the
machinery of the law whereunder the white man must live.
"Gentlemen, you see before you, sardonically done, the fruits of the
Black Justice. Is that the Law? If it be, then send us to our graves;
for as that Black Justice formally exists to-day, Calvin Blount, and
I, and these others, must go back to our fields or to our graves. Do
you wish to send us to the latter? If you do, you send these other
white men just as lawfully back to take up the hoe of labor, to bend
their necks under the black yoke of African ignorance and savagery.
Is that the Law? In my heart, gentlemen, I believe that those who say
this is the law have not read the history of this country, do not
understand the theory of this country, and can not speak for it
unselfishly or honestly.
"Yet, gentlemen, that is the dilemma into which our brothers of the
North would continually thrust us. Suppose that, casting about for
some possible measure to free us from one point or the other of that
dilemma, we should seek some legal compromise which would free us
from the letter of this oppressive law of our national Constitution.
Suppose there should be proposed some general and stern limitation of
the franchise? Such an onerous qualification must needs apply to
black and white alike. Who would be first to object to it? It would
be the politicians of the North, who could not afford to exact even a
prepaid poll-tax as a test for a vote. In time the North will need to
free her white slaves, already turbulent and rebellious. In time she
will have to pay for them, as we of the South have paid. After that
great civil war which is yet to come, the men of the North may
perhaps understand more fully the meaning of that phrase 'the manhood
suffrage' and know that manhood means survival, that good manhood
means the product of a good environment, a survival slowly and fitly
won. By that time, North and South, perhaps, will know that the
franchise should be as the bulwark of the law, not the destroyer of
the law. Until that time, we of the South must continue to pay our
part of the price of the national lawlessness; and we must continue,
each commonwealth for itself as best it may, to enact laws which
shall in part lessen the intolerable weight of that which we have set
up as the idol of our national laws--that Constitution, which is
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