The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 2 of 4Wilson, Robert
History
The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 2 of 4
Wilson, Robert
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901; Victoria, Queen of Great Britain, 1819-1901
During the Parliamentary Session of 1854, it was very plainly shown that
Government by Party is not the best kind of Government for carrying on
diplomacy or warfare. The Opposition in the House of Commons, instead of
checking the drift of the Cabinet towards war, seemed ever bent on
hounding them on. They hardly ever gave a vote save for the purpose of
discrediting and weakening the Ministry. It is, therefore, not unfair to
infer that they rejoiced in the prospect of war, because they foresaw
that its hazards and its chances might lead to the destruction of the
Government. The temper of the Tories at this time was admirably
illustrated by Mr. Disraeli. When a motion was brought before the House
of Commons by Mr. Chambers early in February, 1854, to investigate the
claims of an English company at Madeira against Portugal, Lord
Malmesbury writes of the Ministerial defeat as follows: “I fear Disraeli
voted against the Government, as it is his policy to join with anybody
to defeat them.”[192] With such a spirit of faction animating the
Opposition, it was hardly possible for the Ministry to steer a steady
course in the stormy sea of diplomatic intrigue on which it had
embarked. Yet it is but right to say that there were some patriotic
Tories who objected very strongly to the tactics and strategy of their
Party. John Wilson Croker was so firmly opposed to the policy of the
war, and the entangling alliance with the French Emperor,[193] that he
severed his connection with the _Quarterly Review_ on this account.
Croker’s belief was that France was an unsafe ally, that the French had
manufactured the quarrel with Russia and inveigled us into it; that our
Government knowing, from the Secret Memorandum of 1844, what the Czar’s
views were, should have urged Turkey to resist the intimidation of
France at the outset. We should have warned her of the peril she stood
in from Russia, whilst at the same time we warned Russia that, though we
had no objection to induce Turkey to do her justice, we could not
sanction the partition of the Ottoman Empire. This course, says Mr.
Croker, in a remarkable letter to Lord Lyndhurst, “would have placed the
matter on its real grounds--that is, a struggle between France and
Russia, in which we should have been spectators, and eventually
mediators, but not parties, till some pretensions contrary to the
permanent balance of power should be raised by any of the
belligerents.”[194] Lyndhurst himself began towards the end of the year
to doubt whether our alliance with the French was not as dangerous as
Russian pretensions. Very few members of the House of Commons, however,
shared these doubts. The House, in fact, rapidly became unmanageable,
and, as Lord Malmesbury says in his “Memoirs” would support nothing but
the war. Bill after Bill had to be withdrawn by Aberdeen’s Government,
so that its legislative achievements can be briefly recorded. During the
first Session of the year the Oxford University Bill was passed. It
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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