The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 3 of 4Wilson, Robert
History
The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 3 of 4
Wilson, Robert
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901; Victoria, Queen of Great Britain, 1819-1901
Disraeli’s indiscreet use of the Queen’s name in this
questionable transaction was unwarranted and unwarrantable.
The inefficiency displayed by the City Police at the entry of the
Princess Alexandra into London tempted Sir George Grey to propose that
the Metropolitan and City Forces should be amalgamated under the control
of the Home Office. This was hotly opposed. The Lord Mayor and Mr.
Alderman Sidney protested against a scheme for giving the Home Secretary
control of what might become a large standing army in the City of
London.[174] Other members raised the cry of “centralisation,” and
denounced the measure as an attack on the principle of local
self-government. It was now the turn of London to be assailed, but
Manchester and Birmingham and all other powerful cities would soon share
the fate of the Metropolis. All over England municipal bodies naturally
made common cause with the City of London, and it was soon apparent that
the Government must either bend or break. Luckily it was discovered
that the Bill was not a public but a private Bill, and, as such, subject
in respect of notices to certain Standing Orders which had not been
obeyed. This omission gave Sir George Grey a technical excuse for
withdrawing it.
Vigorous efforts were made during 1863 to induce the Government to
recognise the Southern Confederacy, but they were made in vain. Mr.
Roebuck, in the House of Commons, proposed a motion in favour of
recognition, alleging that in an interview with Napoleon III. he had
discovered that France would co-operate with England for that
purpose--nay, he warned Lord Palmerston that France might recognise the
South without waiting for our co-operation. The Tory Party, though
strongly sympathising with Mr. Roebuck’s views, were restrained by their
leaders from harassing the Cabinet, and it was the general feeling that
Ministers should be left quite free to act. As for the Government,
through Lord Palmerston and Lord Russell, it repeatedly declared that it
was bent on adhering to a policy of scrupulous neutrality. But this was
a matter of some difficulty. Many Englishmen had engaged in the
lucrative trade of blockade-running. When their vessels failed to pass
the Federal cordon round the Southern ports, and were seized, their
owners, as Lord Russell said, “put on an air of injured innocence, and
came to the Foreign Office demanding redress.” In Parliament, too, their
friends attacked Ministers for meekly submitting to violations of
International Law by officers of the Federal Navy, and the investigation
of these cases, especially when the seizures were of doubtful legality,
raised many irritating controversies between the two Governments.
Swift-armed cruisers were built in English ports for the Confederate
States, and then taken out to sea, and fitted with their guns and
armaments. The difficulty of preventing their escape--at all times
serious--was aggravated by the uncertain state of English law on the
subject.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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