The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 3 of 4Wilson, Robert
History
The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 3 of 4
Wilson, Robert
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901; Victoria, Queen of Great Britain, 1819-1901
Russia--the natural enemies of England--to join them in going to war
with Germany--her natural ally. But having failed they ceased to menace
the German Powers, who were too strong to be intimidated by Lord
Palmerston.
The resolution was only a party device to drive Ministers from office by
drawing a sensational picture of the degradation to which England had
been exposed by Ministerial diplomacy. Mr. Kinglake, however,
interfered, and proposed a resolution drafted by Cobden evidently for
the purpose of humiliating Palmerston, and yet offering a loophole of
escape from a vote of censure that must, if carried, have cut short his
career, and brought a Tory Ministry with violent anti-German sympathies
back to power. This resolution ironically expressed the satisfaction of
the House that the Queen had been advised not to aid Denmark by force of
arms. Mr. Kinglake then showed Lord Palmerston a list of the Liberals
who intended to vote for Mr. Disraeli’s motion, in the event of the
Government declining to accept what Count Vitzthum calls Mr. Cobden’s
“humiliating absolution,” so that the Prime Minister had but little
choice. “He was bound either to retire from office, or swallow the
bitter pill offered to him by the Manchester School and pledge himself
to maintain the strictest neutrality.”[209] He agreed to swallow the
pill, which Mr. Cobden refused to gild; for in his speech of the 6th of
July Cobden delivered a scathing attack on the futility of Lord
Palmerston’s whole scheme of foreign policy, which had subjected England
to humiliation in all parts of the world. The final demonstration of its
failure, he argued, was the complete justification of those principles
of non-intervention which he and Mr. Bright had preached for many long
and weary years. It was admitted that he laid down with a masterly hand
the foreign policy which future Governments, whether Whig or Tory, would
be compelled by the people to follow. “Our country,” said Cobden, amidst
cheers from every part of the House, “requires peace. Some people think
it is very degrading and very base that an Englishman should speak of
his country as requiring peace, and as being entitled to enjoy its
blessings; and if we allude to our enormous commercial and industrial
engagements as a reason why we should avoid these petty embroilments, we
are told that we are selfish and grovelling in our politics. But I say
we were very wrong to take such measures as were calculated to extend
our commerce, unless we were prepared to use prudential precautions to
keep our varied manufacturing and mercantile operations free from the
mischief of unnecessary war.” England had no armies to spare for
Continental interference. She had 79,000 troops locked up in India. In
China she had two little armies separated by thousands of miles; she had
another detachment in Japan; she had 10,000 men “fighting somebody’s
battles” in New Zealand; she had from 10,000 to 15,000 troops in North
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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