The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 3 of 4Wilson, Robert
History
The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 3 of 4
Wilson, Robert
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901; Victoria, Queen of Great Britain, 1819-1901
When Lord Derby came to power in 1866 he was reported to have said that
it would be his mission “to stem the tide of democracy.” It has,
therefore, been supposed that he was an irreconcilable opponent of
Reform. As he passed an extremely democratic measure of Parliamentary
Reform--thereby, to use his own phrase, “dishing the Whigs”--he has been
accused of the grossest possible tergiversation. What, then, was the
attitude of the Tories to Reform in 1866? The party, as a whole, was
certainly hostile to it. To give votes to people who paid £6 a year for
their houses meant, as Sir E. Bulwer Lytton declared, the
enfranchisement of “poverty and passion.” No speeches stirred the hearts
and sympathies of the Tory party throughout this country so strongly as
those in which Mr. Lowe, and other Adullamites, heaped the coarsest
abuse on the working-classes of England. In those days an English
artisan was spoken of in Tory society with an antipathy stronger even
than that with which the “mean whites” regarded the negroes in the
Southern States. The leaders of the Tory party, however--Lord Derby,
Lord Stanley, Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. Henley--never shared these
prejudices. But what would they do after being called to power by the
declared enemies of Reform? The first public utterances of Ministers did
not throw much light on their intentions. Mr. Disraeli told his
constituents that when the Government attempted to deal with Reform they
would not adopt any foreign pattern--either American or French--as a
model for the Parliamentary institutions of the country. He protested
that he could not discover whether the defeated Bill was based on the
rights of man or the rights of numbers. He seemed to have some notion
that “the estate of the Commons” should, like all other estates, have a
fair share in the Government of the country. But his idea evidently was
to enfranchise not masses but classes, and to give electoral power to
the _élite_ of all the different “orders” of society. Sir Stafford
Northcote was opposed to bringing in any new Reform Bill.[250] Lord
Stanley said bluntly that he had objected to the defeated Bill, because
it made the franchise lower than the House of Commons would endure; and
as for Lord Derby, his opinion was very ambiguous. He had no objection
to see the electorate largely increased. But his difficulty was, that
the agitators who were alone earnest in demanding Reform would never be
satisfied with any Bill which the great parties in the State could unite
in accepting. It was quite clear that he intended to let the matter rest
and ripen. Lord Derby and his colleagues, however, made a fatal mistake
in imagining that they would be allowed to let the matter rest. He
completely miscalculated the strength of the social and political forces
which had been let loose by the death of Lord Palmerston. The nation was
in a condition of suspense and excitement that recalled revolutionary
memories of 1848, and the working-classes had been roused from their
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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