The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 4 of 4Wilson, Robert
History
The Life and Times of Queen Victoria; vol. 4 of 4
Wilson, Robert
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901; Victoria, Queen of Great Britain, 1819-1901
For if the Queen
wished to aid her eldest son in meeting expenses which he was every day
incurring on her behalf, she had either to sell her private estates,
endeared to her by a thousand tender family associations, or appeal
to Parliament for a grant, a course which was as objectionable to her
as to the Prince. On the other hand, if these private estates, when
inherited by the Prince at her death, could be treated as private
property, the Heir Apparent could easily obtain any additional
subsidies he might need, by mortgaging his expectations. And yet the
generous intentions of the Queen, and the honest purposes of the Prince
which formed the motives for the Bill, were snappishly and churlishly
misrepresented by several Radicals, and by at least one aristocratic
Whig. Mr. George Anderson opposed the Bill because Sovereigns kept
their wills secret. Sir Charles Dilke objected to it because he said it
allowed the indefinite accumulation of private property in the hands
of the Sovereign. His argument, in fact, came to this, that profligacy
in the Monarch should be encouraged by the posthumous confiscation
of his private estates. As for Mr. Bouverie, he asked what business
the Sovereign had to possess large private means? The Bill, however,
passed, and an incident which at one time threatened to be unpleasant
for the Queen and her children was discreetly closed.
In March, the Queen’s refusal to permit the persons who represented
England at the French Exhibition of 1867 to accept decorations, was
made the subject of debate by Lord Houghton in the House of Lords. Her
Majesty’s prejudice against introducing Foreign Orders and titles into
England had often given offence to naturalised stockjobbers and pushing
_parvenus_. She never even took kindly to the use of the title of
“Baron” by the Rothschilds, though she tolerated it for reasons of an
entirely exceptional nature. But if the Orders were admitted the titles
must soon follow, and society might be inundated some day with Russian
“Counts,” who, as the French say, had “a career behind them,” or with
Austrian “Barons,” who had bought their honours out of the profits of
financial gambling. The English Court, for this reason, has such strong
opinions on the point that even English nobles, inheriting foreign
titles, conceal them so successfully that few people ever suspect that
the Duke of Wellington is a Portuguese prince, the head of the House
of Hamilton a French duke, or Lord Denbigh a Prince of an uncrowned
branch of the Imperial House of Hapsburg. It need not be said that Lord
Houghton’s complaints were generally admitted to be frivolous, and that
the Queen’s feeling that she must be the sole fountain of honour in
England, was shared by the nation. If the services which an individual
has rendered abroad have benefited England or mankind, or if it is
possible to form a correct estimate of their value in England, the
Queen held she must either reward them herself, or retain the right to
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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