The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.Ridpath, John Clark
History
The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.
Ridpath, John Clark
Garfield, James A. (James Abram), 1831-1881
On the 8th of April, 1864, the House of Representatives resolved itself
into the Committee of the Whole upon the State of the Union, whereupon
Mr. Alexander Long, of Cincinnati, Ohio, took the floor, and, in a
speech of much bitterness, arraigned the administration, not for its
conduct of the war, but for carrying on the war at all. “_An
unconstitutional war can only be carried on in an unconstitutional
manner_,” said Mr. Long. His demand now was for peace. This was the
first sound of Democratic preparation for the Presidential election, the
key-note of their campaign.
Mr. Long said:
“Mr. Chairman, I speak to-day for the preservation of the
Government. In the independence of a representative of the people I
intend to proclaim the deliberate convictions of my judgment in this
fearful hour of the country’s peril.
“The brief period of three short years has produced a fearful change
in this free, happy, and prosperous government,—so pure in its
restrainments upon personal liberty, and so gentle in its demands
upon the resources of the people, that the celebrated Humboldt,
after traveling through the country, on his return to Europe said,
‘The American people have a government which you neither see nor
feel.’ So different is it now, and so great the change, that the
inquiry might well be made to-day, ‘Are we not in Constantinople, in
St. Petersburg, in Vienna, in Rome, or in Paris?’ Military governors
and their provost marshals override the laws, and the echo of the
armed heel rings forth as clearly now in America as in France or
Austria; and the President sits to-day guarded by armed soldiers at
every approach leading to the Executive Mansion. So far from
crushing the rebellion, three years have passed away, and from the
day on which the conflict began, up to the present hour, the
Confederate army has not been forced beyond the sound of their guns
from the dome of the Capitol in which we are assembled.”
The remainder of the speech continued in the same spirit. The war could
not be put down. Moreover, it was wrong and ought not to be put down:
“Can the Union he restored by war? I answer most unhesitatingly and
deliberately: No, never. _War is final and eternal separation._ My
first and highest ground against its further prosecution is, _that
it is wrong_. It is a violation of the Constitution and of the
fundamental principles on which this Union was founded. My second
objection is, that as a policy, it is not _reconstructive_, but
_destructive_, and will, if continued, result speedily in the
destruction of the Government and the loss of civil liberty, to both
the North and the South, and it ought therefore to immediately
cease....”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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