The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.Ridpath, John Clark
History
The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.
Ridpath, John Clark
Garfield, James A. (James Abram), 1831-1881
When the articles of impeachment against Johnson were passed, Garfield
was not in Washington; but on his return, February 29, 1868, he took
occasion to say that if he had been present he should have voted for
them. He had formerly opposed such action because he thought it would be
unsuccessful. Johnson’s later actions, however, especially his arbitrary
dismissal of Secretary Stanton, were such clear violations of the
Constitution that he supposed the President’s guilt could be judicially
established, and therefore he favored the attempt.
On the 15th of May of this same year, Mr. Garfield delivered another
address on the currency. His financial views were still in advance of
his party, and the unsound views advanced by various politicians gave
opportunity for many a well-directed shot from his well-stored armory of
facts, figures, and principles. His speeches on this topic alone would
fill a large volume.
In 1868 occurred one of the many attempts made by politicians to reduce
the public debt by extorting money from the Nation’s creditors. On July
15, 1868, Mr. Garfield discussed, at considerable length and with all
his usual clearness and ability, one of these measures, which, in this
case, was a bill for the taxation of bonds. He was too honest a man,
and, at the same time, too sound a financier, to be blind to the wrong
as well as the impolitic character of such a law. Two paragraphs will
suffice to exhibit these two points:
“Nobody expects that we can pay as fast as the debt matures, but we
shall be compelled to go into the market and negotiate new loans.
Let this system of taxation be pursued; let another Congress put the
tax at twenty per cent., another at forty per cent., and another at
fifty per cent., or one hundred per cent.; let the principle once be
adopted—the rate is only a question of discretion—and where will you
be able to negotiate a loan except at the most ruinous sacrifice?
Let such legislation prevail as the gentleman urges, and can we look
any man in the face and ask him to loan us money? If we do not keep
faith to-day, how can we expect to be trusted hereafter?
“There was a declaration made by an old English gentleman in the
days of Charles II. which does honor to human nature. He said he was
willing at any time to give his life for the good of his country;
but he would not do a mean thing to save his country from ruin. So,
sir, ought a citizen to feel in regard to our financial affairs. The
people of the United States can afford to make any sacrifice for
their country, and the history of the last war has proved their
willingness; but the humblest citizen can not afford to do a mean or
dishonorable thing to save even this glorious Republic.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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