The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.Ridpath, John Clark
History
The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.
Ridpath, John Clark
Garfield, James A. (James Abram), 1831-1881
_First._—That the exclusive right of the House of Commons of Great
Britain to originate money bills, is so old that the date of its
origin is unknown; it has always been regarded as one of the
strongest bulwarks of British freedom against usurpation of the King
and of the House of Lords, and has been guarded with the most
jealous care; that in the many contests which have arisen on this
subject between the Lords and Commons, during the last three hundred
years, the Commons have never given way, but have rather enlarged
than diminished their jurisdiction of this subject; and that since
the year 1678, the Lords have conceded, with scarcely a struggle,
that the Commons had the exclusive right to originate, not only
bills for raising revenue, but for decreasing it; not only for
imposing, but also for repealing taxes; and that the same exclusive
right extended also to all general appropriations of money.
_Second._—The clause of our Constitution, now under debate, was
borrowed from this feature of the British Constitution, and was
intended to have the same force and effect in all respects as the
corresponding clause of the British Constitution, with this single
exception, that our Senate is permitted to offer amendments, as the
House of Lords is not.
_Third._—In addition to the influence of the British example, was
the further fact, that this clause was placed in our Constitution to
counterbalance some special privileges granted to the Senate. It was
the compensating weight thrown into the scale to make the two
branches of Congress equal in authority and power. It was first put
into the Constitution to compensate the large States for the
advantages given to the small States in allowing them an equal
representation in the Senate; and, when subsequently it was thrown
out of the original draft, it came near unhinging the whole plan.
“It was reinserted in the last great compromise of the Constitution,
to offset the exclusive right of the Senate to ratify treaties,
confirm appointments, and try impeachments. The construction given
to it by the members of the Constitutional Convention, is the same
which this House now contends for. The same construction was
asserted broadly and fully, by the First Congress, many of the
members of which were framers of the Constitution. It has been
asserted again and again, in the various Congresses, from the First
till now; and, though the Senate has often attempted to invade this
privilege of the House, yet in no instance has the House surrendered
its right whenever that right has been openly challenged; and,
finally, whenever a contest has arisen, many leading Senators have
sustained the right of the House as now contended for.
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Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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