The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.Ridpath, John Clark
History
The Life and Work of James A. Garfield, Twentieth President of the United States: Embracing an Account of the Scenes and Incidents of His Boyhood; the Struggles of His Youth; the Might of His Early Manhood; His Valor As a Soldier; His Career As a Statesman; His Election to the Presidency; and the Tragic Story of His Death.
Ridpath, John Clark
Garfield, James A. (James Abram), 1831-1881
Senate had overruled him. He voted for the conference report, voted
for the final passage of the bill. That bill gave back pay for a
year and five months. Was John Sherman denounced as a thief and
robber for that? Was Benjamin F. Wade called a thief and robber?
“At that time I was not chairman of the committee, and had no other
responsibility than that of an individual representative. I voted
against the increase of salary then; at all stages I voted against
the conference report, but it passed through the House on final vote
by just one majority. I don’t remember that any body ever praised
me, particularly, for voting against that report, and I never heard
any body blaming John Sherman for voting for it.
“Now, in 1873, the conditions were exactly the reverse. I was
chairman of the committee that had charge of the great appropriation
bill. There was put upon that bill, against my earnest protest, a
proposition to increase salaries. I take it there is no one here who
will deny that I worked as earnestly as I could to prevent the
putting of that increase upon the bill. I did not work against it
because it was a theft or robbery to put it on there; I worked
against it because I thought it was indecent, unbecoming, and in the
highest degree unwise and injudicious to increase the salaries at
that time. First, because they had been increased in 1866, and in
proportion to other salaries, Congressmen were paid enough—paid more
in proportion than most other officials were paid. Second, the glory
of the Congress had been that it was bringing down the expenditures
of the Government, from the highest level of war to the lowest level
of peace; and that if we raised our own salaries, unless the rise
had been made before, it would be the key-note on which the whole
tune of extravagance would be sung. I believed, too, that it would
seriously injure the Republican party, and on that score I thought
we ought to resist it. I did all in my power to prevent that
provision being added to the bill. I voted against it eighteen
times. I spoke against it, but by a very large vote in the House,
and a still larger vote in the Senate, the salary clause was put
upon the bill. I was captain of the ship, and this objectionable
freight had been put upon my deck. I had tried to keep it off. What
should I do? Burn the ship? Sink her? Or, having washed my hands of
the responsibility for that part of her cargo I had tried to keep
off, navigate her into port, and let those who had put this freight
on be responsible for it? Using that figure, that was the course I
thought it my duty to adopt. Now on that matter I might have made an
error of judgment. I believed then and now that if it had been in my
power to kill this bill, and had thus brought on an extra session, I
believe to-day, I say, had I been able to do that, I should have
been the worst blamed man in the United States.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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