Of all portions of our national history none has been more often or more
carefully described and discussed than the struggle over Mr. Jay's
treaty. No candid man can deny that there was at the time ample room for
honest difference of opinion in regard to the national policy. That Mr.
Jay's treaty was a bad one few persons even then ventured to dispute; no
one would venture on its merits to defend it now. There has been no
moment since 1810 when the United States would have hesitated to prefer
war rather than peace on such terms. No excuse in the temporary
advantages which the treaty gained can wholly palliate the concessions
of principle which it yielded, and no considerations of a possible war
with England averted or postponed can blind history to the fact that
this blessing of peace was obtained by the sacrifice of national
consistency and by the violation of neutrality towards France. The
treaty recognized the right of Great Britain to capture French property
in American vessels, whilst British property in the same situation was
protected from capture by our previous treaty with France; and, what was
yet worse, the acknowledgment that provisions might be treated as
contraband not only contradicted all our principles, but subjected the
United States government to the charge of a mean connivance in the
British effort to famish France, while securing America from pecuniary
loss.
Nevertheless, for good and solid reasons, the Senate at the time
approved, and President Washington, after long deliberation, signed, the
treaty. The fear of a war with Great Britain, the desire to gain
possession of the Western posts, and the commercial interests involved
in a neutral trade daily becoming more lucrative, were the chief motives
to this course. So far as Mr. Gallatin's private opinions were
concerned, it is probable that no one felt much more aversion to the
treaty than he did; but before he took his seat in Congress the Senate
had approved and the President had signed it; a strong feeling in its
favor existed among his own constituents, always in dread of Indian
difficulties; the treaty, in short, was law, and the House had only to
consider the legislation necessary to carry it into effect.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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