The struggle was completely over. All the dangers, real and imaginary,
had vanished. The great Federal party which had created, organized, and
for twelve years administered the government, and whose chief now handed
it, safe and undisturbed, to Mr. Jefferson and his friends, was
prostrate, broken and torn by dying convulsions. The new political force
of which Mr. Jefferson was the guide had no word of sympathy for the
vanquished. Full of hope and self-confidence, he took the helm and
promised that "now the ship was put on her Republican tack she would
show by the beauty of her motion the skill of her builders." Even Mr.
Gallatin's cooler head felt the power of the strong wine, success. He
too believed that human nature was to show itself in new aspects, and
that the failures of the past were due to the faults of the past. "Every
man, from John Adams to John Hewitt, who undertakes to do what he does
not understand deserves a whipping," he wrote to his wife a year later,
when his tailor had spoiled a coat for him. He had yet to pass through
his twelve years of struggle and disappointment in order to learn how
his own followers and his own President were to answer his ideal, when
the same insolence of foreign dictation and the same violence of a
recalcitrant party presented to their and to his own lips the cup of
which John Adams was now draining the dregs.
BOOK III.
THE TREASURY. 1801-1813.
In governments, as in households, he who holds the purse holds the
power. The Treasury is the natural point of control to be occupied by
any statesman who aims at organization or reform, and conversely no
organization or reform is likely to succeed that does not begin with and
is not guided by the Treasury. The highest type of practical
statesmanship must always take this direction. Washington and Jefferson
doubtless stand pre-eminent as the representatives of what is best in
our national character or its aspirations, but Washington depended
mainly upon Hamilton, and without Gallatin Mr. Jefferson would have been
helpless. The mere financial duties of the Treasury, serious as they
are, were the least of the burdens these men had to carry; their keenest
anxieties were not connected most nearly with their own department, but
resulted from that effort to control the whole machinery and policy of
government which is necessarily forced upon the holder of the purse.
Possibly it may be said with truth that a majority of financial
ministers have not so understood their duties, but, on the other hand,
the ministers who composed this majority have hardly left great
reputations behind them. Perhaps, too, the very magnitude and
overshadowing influence of the Treasury have tended to rouse a certain
jealousy in the minds of successive Presidents, and have worked to dwarf
an authority legitimate in itself, but certainly dangerous to the
Executive head. Be this as it may, there are, to the present time, in
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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