The Life of Charlemagne (Charles the Great)Hodgkin, Thomas
History
The Life of Charlemagne (Charles the Great)
Hodgkin, Thomas
Charlemagne, Emperor, 742-814
It will be hardly needful here to repeat the warning given by many
recent historians against considering the State which was governed from
Constantinople, between 476 and 800, as anything else than the _Roman_
empire. As its centre of gravity was now on the Bosphorus instead of
being on the Tiber, and as its chief possessions were situated on the
east of the Gulf of Venice, or even on the east of the Archipelago, it
is difficult to avoid speaking of it as the eastern empire; but for all
the centuries between the fifth and the ninth we must remember that
this is not a strictly accurate expression. It was during all that
period “_the empire_,” “the dominion of the world,” nay, it was still
the “Roman republic,” though the man who sat in Julius Cæsar’s seat was
practically the uncontrolled despot of the Roman world.
And during all these intermediate centuries, though the empire might
be cut very short, by Frank and Goth and Saxon in the west, or by the
Saracen in the east, it would be safe to say that it never acquiesced
in its limitations. Pre-eminently the wonderful reconquests of Italy,
of Africa, of part of Spain, which were wrought in the sixth century by
the generals of Justinian, might well keep alive the hope that, after
the “little systems” of barbarian and infidel had “had their day,” the
true Divinely-appointed world-ruler would emerge from his temporary
eclipse and be again supreme all round the shores of the Mediterranean.
Doubtless, though the name “Roman” was still kept and still gloried in,
the empire was, with each succeeding century, becoming more thoroughly
Greek, or rather Graeco-Asiatic, in its character. From this point
of view it has been observed by a modern historian that the great
pestilence which raged in 747 (five years after the birth of Charles)
was an important factor in the transformation of the empire. “A vast
portion of the inhabitants of Byzantium, who maintained Roman character
and many Roman traditions amid all their half-Hellenic, half-Oriental
ways, had been carried off by the plague, and were replaced by pure
Greeks who had not inherited the effect of Roman influence. This was
an important step in the direction of becoming a Greek nationality, to
which goal the Roman empire was steadily tending” (Bury, _History of
the Later Roman Empire_, ii. 456).
But, notwithstanding this, the emperor at Byzantium never forgot that
he was Roman, but always looked upon Italy as his lawful, his almost
inalienable, possession. Gaul, Spain, Britain--it might be necessary to
abandon these to the barbarians--but Italy, but Rome, were rightfully
his, and all the shades of all the buried Cæsars would pass in angry
procession before the eyes of the degenerate successor who should be so
base as formally to abandon his right to hold them. This, or something
like this, we may believe to have been the secret underlying thought of
the Leos and the Constantines when they heard what the Frank was doing
in Italy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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