The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4: Commander in Chief of the American Forces During the War; which Established the Independence of his Country and First; President of the United StatesMarshall, John
History
The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4: Commander in Chief of the American Forces During the War; which Established the Independence of his Country and First; President of the United States
Marshall, John
Generals -- United States -- Biography; Presidents -- United States -- Biography; Washington, George, 1732-1799
The relations of the United States with the other powers of Europe,
did not require particular attention. Their dispositions were rather
friendly than otherwise; and an inclination was generally manifested
to participate in the advantages, which the erection of an independent
empire on the western shores of the Atlantic, held forth to the
commercial world.
By the ministers of foreign powers in America, it would readily be
supposed, that the first steps taken by the new government would, not
only be indicative of its present system, but would probably affect
its foreign relations permanently, and that the influence of the
President would be felt in the legislature. Scarcely was the exercise
of his executive functions commenced, when the President received an
application from the Count de Moustiers, the minister of France,
requesting a private conference. On being told that the department of
foreign affairs was the channel through which all official business
should pass, the Count replied that the interview he requested was,
not for the purpose of actual business, but rather as preparatory to
its future transaction.
The next day, at one in the afternoon, was named for the interview.
The Count commenced the conversation with declarations of his personal
regard for America, the manifestations of which, he said, had been
early and uniform. His nation too was well disposed to be upon terms
of amity with the United States: but at his public reception, there
were occurrences which he thought indicative of coolness in the
secretary of foreign affairs, who had, he feared, while in Europe,
imbibed prejudices not only against Spain, but against France also. If
this conjecture should be right, the present head of that department
could not be an agreeable organ of intercourse with the President. He
then took a view of the modern usages of European courts, which, he
said, favoured the practice he recommended of permitting foreign
ministers to make their communications directly to the chief of the
executive. "He then presented a letter," says the President in his
private journal, "which he termed confidential, and to be considered
as addressed to me in my private character, which was too strongly
marked with an intention, as well as a wish, to have no person between
the Minister and President, in the transaction of business between the
two nations."
In reply to these observations, the President gave the most explicit
assurances that, judging from his own feelings, and from the public
sentiment, there existed in America a reciprocal disposition to be on
the best terms with France. That whatever former difficulties might
have occurred, he was persuaded the secretary of foreign affairs had
offered no intentional disrespect, either to the minister, or to his
nation. Without undertaking to know the private opinions of Mr. Jay,
he would declare that he had never heard that officer express,
directly or indirectly, any sentiment unfavourable to either.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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