The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4: Commander in Chief of the American Forces During the War; which Established the Independence of his Country and First; President of the United StatesMarshall, John
History
The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4: Commander in Chief of the American Forces During the War; which Established the Independence of his Country and First; President of the United States
Marshall, John
Generals -- United States -- Biography; Presidents -- United States -- Biography; Washington, George, 1732-1799
Neither would a direct tax be adviseable. The experience of the world
had proved, that a tax on consumption was less oppressive, and more
productive, than a tax on either property or income. Without
discussing the principles on which the fact was founded, the fact
itself was incontestable, that, by insensible means, much larger sums
might be drawn from any class of men, than could be extracted from
them by open and direct taxes. To the latter system there were still
other objections. The difficulty of carrying it into operation, no
census having yet been taken, would not be inconsiderable; and the
expense of collection through a country thinly settled, would be
enormous. Add to this, that public opinion was believed to be more
decidedly and unequivocally opposed to it, than to a duty on ardent
spirits. North Carolina had expressed her hostility to the one as well
as to the other, and several other states were known to disapprove of
direct taxes. From the real objections which existed against them, and
for other reasons suggested in the report of the secretary, they
ought, it was said, to remain untouched, as a resource when some great
emergency should require an exertion of all the faculties of the
United States.
Against the substitution of a duty on internal negotiations, it was
said, that revenue to any considerable extent could be collected from
them only by means of a stamp act, which was not less obnoxious to
popular resentment than an excise, would be less certainly productive
than the proposed duties, and was, in every respect, less eligible.
The honour, the justice, and the faith of the United States were
pledged, it was said, to that class of creditors for whose claims the
bill under consideration was intended to provide. No means of making
the provision had been suggested, which, on examination, would be
found equally eligible with a duty on ardent spirits. Much of the
public prejudice which appeared in certain parts of the United States
against the measure, was to be ascribed to their hostility to the term
"excise," a term which had been inaccurately applied to the duty in
question. When the law should be carried into operation, it would be
found not to possess those odious qualities which had excited
resentment against a system of excise. In those states where the
collection of a duty on spirits distilled within the country had
become familiar to the people, the same prejudices did not exist. On
the good sense and virtue of the nation they could confidently rely
for acquiescence in a measure which the public exigencies rendered
necessary, which tended to equalize the public burdens, and which in
its execution would not be oppressive.
A motion made by Mr. Jackson, to strike out that section which imposed
a duty on domestic distilled spirits, was negatived by thirty-six to
sixteen; and the bill was carried by thirty-five to twenty-one.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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