The best thing for us all is to keep the Tories in a little longer. Let them bear the first brunt of the situation created by the state of Ireland and the disappointment of the Nationalists. But how the devil is this to be managed? If the Irishmen choose they can turn the Government out at any moment. Can you not persuade them that it is clearly to their interest to keep them in for one session--while Mr. Gladstone is preparing public opinions?--Yours very truly, J. CHAMBERLAIN. _Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 27, 1885. MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I thought the scheme alleged to have been submitted to the Queen was one of recent date. If the rumour refers only to the time of the late Government, there is not much in it. Mr. Gladstone had no scheme then--only the vaguest ideas as to the necessity of doing something. It is pretty evident that whatever else he may do to "crown his career" he will break up the Liberal party. His proposal about veto is a transparent fraud. It could not last as an effective control for a single Parliament. I wish {300} some one would start the idea of a Federal Constitution like the United States. I do not believe people are prepared for this solution yet, but it is the only possible form of Home Rule. It is that or nothing. In my opinion Mr. Gladstone cannot carry his or any other scheme just now, and if the Irishmen force the pace the only result will be a dissolution and the Tories in a working majority. Let them refuse to put the Tories out just yet unless Mr. Gladstone publicly declares himself. If they were to put the Tories out to-morrow, and then turn on the Liberals in a month, they would secure only a strong Coalition both in the House and the country for resistance to all Irish claims. I believe the true policy for every one except Mr. Gladstone is to "wait and see."--Yours very truly, J. CHAMBERLAIN. _Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ 10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 28, 1885. MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--If I might venture to criticise--you assume that the Conservatives and the Irish would both act as you wish. Neither would. The Conservatives are sharp enough to decline to retain power in order to be discredited warming-pans, and the Irish must demonstrate, now that they have carried the country. Writing to Hawarden, I have hinted at your views, and asked whether a below the gangway amendment would be accepted, stating generally that the Irish question must be dealt with. If the G.O.M. and if you were to vote for this, we should still be beaten. The party would not have pledged itself to it as a party; the Irish would be satisfied, and if on some issue in a month or two we had an election, we should get the Irish vote.