On the 13th of January, 1868, the Senate, having considered the reasons
assigned by the President for the suspension of Stanton from office,
non-concurred in the same and sent notice to this effect to the
President and to Grant. The latter considered his functions as Secretary
_ad interim_ terminated from the moment of receipt of the notice and so
notified the President, at the same time locking the door of his room
and handing the key to the person in charge of the Adjutant-General's
office in the same building.
Under the terms of the Tenure-of-Office Law, Stanton returned and
resumed his former place.
On the 27th of January, a motion was made by Mr. Spalding in the House
of Representatives that the Committee on Reconstruction be authorized to
inquire what combinations had been made to obstruct the due execution of
law and to report what action, if any, was necessary in consequence
thereof. This resolution was adopted by a vote of 99 to 31. A few days
later, on the motion of Thaddeus Stevens the evidence taken by the
Committee on the Judiciary on the impeachment question was referred to
the Committee on Reconstruction. Certain correspondence that had passed
between General Grant and President Johnson relating to the retirement
of the former from the War Office was also sent to the same committee.
The correspondence between General Grant and the President here referred
to gives a fresh illustration of Andrew Johnson's want of tact in
dealing with men and events. He first made an accusation that Grant had
failed to keep a promise that he had previously given that "if you
[Grant] should conclude that it would be your duty to surrender the
department to Mr. Stanton, upon action in his favor by the Senate, you
were to return the office to me, _prior to a decision by the Senate_, in
order that if I desired to do so I might designate somebody to succeed
you." This letter was dated January 31, 1868. Grant replied (February
3) denying that he had made any such promise, and saying that the
President in making this accusation had sought to involve him in a
resistance to law and thus to destroy his character before the country.
Several other letters followed, including one from each member of the
Cabinet, who was present when the matter was talked of between the two
principals, all confirming the President's statements. The letters of
Browning and Seward, however, tended to show that the President's desire
was to make up a case for the Supreme Court, to decide whether he had a
right under the Constitution to remove a Cabinet officer or not, and
that he supposed that Grant had promised to coöperate with him to
promote that end; but that whatever Grant might have promised, the
sudden action of the Senate led him to believe that he could not delay
his retirement without subjecting himself to the chance of fine and
imprisonment under the Tenure-of-Office Law.[103]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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