The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte. Vol. 1 (of 4)Sloane, William Milligan
Philosophy
The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte. Vol. 1 (of 4)
Sloane, William Milligan
France -- History -- Consulate and First Empire, 1799-1815; Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, 1769-1821
Rousseau had every fascination for the young of that time--a
captivating style, persuasive logic, the sentiment of a poet, the
intensity of a prophet. A native of Corsica would be doubly drawn to
him by his interest in that romantic island. Sitting at the feet of
such a teacher, a young scholar would learn through convincing
argument the evils of a passing social state as they were not
exhibited elsewhere. He would discern the dangers of ecclesiastical
authority, of feudal privilege, of absolute monarchy; he would see
their disastrous influence in the prostitution, not only of social,
but of personal morality; he would become familiar with the necessity
for renewing institutions as the only means of regenerating society.
All these lessons would have a value not to be exaggerated. On the
other hand, when it came to the substitution of positive teaching for
negative criticism, he would learn nothing of value and much that was
most dangerous. In utter disregard of a sound historical method, there
was set up as the cornerstone of the new political structure a fiction
of the most treacherous kind. Buonaparte in his notes, written as he
read, shows his contempt for it in an admirable refutation of the
fundamental error of Rousseau as to the state of nature by this
remark: "I believe man in the state of nature had the same power of
sensation and reason which he now has." But if he did not accept the
premises, there was a portion of the conclusion which he took with
avidity, the most dangerous point in all Rousseau's system; namely,
the doctrine that all power proceeds from the people, not because of
their nature and their historical organization into families and
communities, but because of an agreement by individuals to secure
public order, and that, consequently, the consent given they can
withdraw, the order they have created they can destroy. In this lay
not merely the germ, but the whole system of extreme radicalism, the
essence, the substance, and the sum of the French Revolution on its
extreme and doctrinaire side.
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