The Life of Robert, Lord Clive, Vol. 2 (of 3): Collected from the Family Papers Communicated by the Earl of PowisMalcolm, John
History
The Life of Robert, Lord Clive, Vol. 2 (of 3): Collected from the Family Papers Communicated by the Earl of Powis
Malcolm, John
Clive, Robert Clive, Baron, 1725-1774; India -- History -- British occupation, 1765-1947
By the treaty[230] concluded with this prince, the military defence of the
country entirely devolved upon the English; the Nabob agreeing to keep no
more troops than were necessary for purposes of parade. The most
remarkable feature of this arrangement was, the agreement of the young
Nabob to appoint, with the advice and concurrence of the English
government, a Naib Subah (or vicegerent), to conduct the civil
administration of his country. At the time when Meer Jaffier was restored,
the choice of his minister was, of course, considered as being of the
greatest importance. While at Calcutta, he proposed to appoint to that
office Nundcomar[231], a Hindu of the worst character. To this Mr.
Vansittart strongly objected, recommending Mahommed Reza Khan, a
Mahommedan noble of talent and of reputed integrity, but who was opposed
(probably for those very qualifications) by the intriguing and corrupt
faction which had long governed the court of Moorshedabad. The Nabob soon
after left Calcutta, when Nundcomar followed; and, in spite of Mr.
Vansittart's remonstrances, being supported by the majority in Council
opposed to the Governor, he was intrusted with the direction of the
Nabob's affairs. Mr. Vansittart had left Bengal before the death of Meer
Jaffier; on which event, by the treaty that followed, Mahommed Reza Khan
(then at Dacca) was elevated to the rank of Naib Subah to his successor,
Nujum-ud-Dowla.[232]
Mr. Vansittart, or rather his council, has been reproached[233] (as Clive
was) for making Nabobs, without any reference or respect for the
legitimate authority of the Emperor of Delhi, or his Vizier,
Sujah-u-Dowla. But however politic it might have been to have gained the
sanction of such authorities after the measure was adopted, a previous
application would have been the height of folly and of weakness. Whatever
latitude of interference, or right of approbation, had been given to the
Emperor or his minister, would assuredly have been exercised for venal and
ambitious purposes; and the embarrassments, that must ever attend such
proceedings, would have been multiplied tenfold. Sujah-u-Dowla, it is
true, upbraided the English with their conduct in this particular. He
accused them of casting down and putting up Nabobs at their pleasure; but
this was to gain opinion, and afford a pretext for the hostilities he
meditated against their power. The very chief who made this accusation was
the proclaimed minister and servant of the Emperor; but he yielded him
neither obedience, nor a participation in the revenues of the wide and
rich territories of Oude. Names and forms, as connected with the different
relations of authority in the empire of India, continued to be observed,
and were so far of importance; but, as connected with the substance of
power, they had been, for a long period, wholly neglected; and though we
may agree with the historical antiquary, who judges from the principles of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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