The Life Of Thomas Paine, Vol. 1. (of 2): With A History of His Literary, Political and Religious Career in America France, and England; to which is added a Sketch of Paine by William CobbettConway, Moncure Daniel
Religion
The Life Of Thomas Paine, Vol. 1. (of 2): With A History of His Literary, Political and Religious Career in America France, and England; to which is added a Sketch of Paine by William Cobbett
Conway, Moncure Daniel
Paine, Thomas, 1737-1809
It is improbable, however, that John Adams could have written such
scholarly and self-restrained criticisms on any work by Paine, mere
mention of whom always made him foam at the mouth. Publicola's
arguments could not get a fair hearing amid surviving animosities
against England and enthusiasm for a republican movement in France, as
yet not a revolution, which promised the prevalence of American ideas
in Europe. The actual England of that era, whose evils were powerfully
portrayed by Paine, defeated in advance any theoretical estimate of
the advantages of its unwritten Constitution. America had, too,
an inventor's pride in its written Constitution, as yet untried by
experience. Publicola assailed, successfully as I think, Paine's
principle that a vitiated legislature could never be trusted to reform
itself. It was answered that there is no reason why the people may not
delegate to a legislature, renewed by suffrage, the power of altering
even the organic law. Publicola contends that the people could not act
in their original character in changing a constitution, in opposition to
an existing legislature, without danger of anarchy and war; that if the
people were in harmony with their legislature it could be trusted
to carry out their amendments; that a legislature without such
constitutional powers would nevertheless exercise them by forced
constructions; and that the difficulty and delay of gathering the people
in convention might conceivably endanger the commonwealth, were the
power of fundamental alteration not delegated to the legislature,--a
concurrent right being reserved by the people.
This philosophical statement, interesting in the light of French
revolutions and English evolutions, recoiled on Publicola from the walls
of Paine's real fortress. This was built of the fact that in England the
majority was not represented even in the Commons, and that the people
had no representation at all in two branches of their government.
Moreover, Paine's plea had been simply for such reconstitution of
government as would enable the people to reform it without revolution or
convulsion. Publicola was compelled to admit that the English people
had no resort but the right of revolution, so that it appeared
mere Monarchism to argue against Paine's plea for a self-amending
constitution in England.
Publicola's retort on the Secretary's phrase, "political heresies"
(infelicitous from a freethinker),--"Does he consider this pamphlet
of Mr. Paine's as the canonical book of political scripture,--hurt
Jefferson so much that he supposed himself harmed. He was indeed much
annoyed by the whole affair, and straightway wrote to political leaders
letters--some private, others to be quoted,--in which he sought to
smooth things by declaring that his note was not meant for publication.
To Washington he writes (May 8th) the Beckley-Smith story, beginning:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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