The Loyalists of Massachusetts and the Other Side of the American RevolutionStark, James Henry
History
The Loyalists of Massachusetts and the Other Side of the American Revolution
Stark, James Henry
American loyalists -- Massachusetts; Massachusetts -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783
What Great Britain is doing for the many peoples under her care and what
this nation is doing for the few outside our borders that we have in
hand we might unitedly do for a great portion of the globe and its
inhabitants. This combination must be strong enough to check certain
highwaymen in international relations and to install a wholesome regard
for human rights. Such an outcome of present friendliness will not be
achieved in a day or generation. But it will come; it must come. Asia
and the continent of Europe may become Chinese or Cossack, but the
English-speaking race shall rule over every other land and all the
islands and every sea.
The present time is a critical period in the life of the American
Republic, and therefore in the life of the world. The impotence of the
federal government to stop strike disturbances, lynchings and
disfranchisements, the growing power of an oligarchial and plutocratic
Senate, and the perils of imperialism are disquieting enough, but worst
of all is the evil of party rule and party strife.
Washington abhorred party and regarded it as a disease which he hoped to
avert by putting federalists and anti-federalists in his cabinet
together. The intuition of the founders of the Republic was that the
president should be elected by a chosen body of select and responsible
citizens, but since the Jacksonian era, nomination and election have
been completely in the hands of the Democracy at large, and the election
has been performed by a process of national agitation and conflict
which sets at work all the forces of political intrigue and corruption
on the most enormous scale, besides filling the country with persons
almost as violent and anti-social as those of the Civil War.
The qualification for public office from that of president down to that
of a member of a city council in national, state or city politics is not
a question of which man is most worthy of public confidence. It is no
longer eminence but availability. The great aim of each party is to
prevent the country from being successfully governed by its rival. Each
will do anything to catch votes and anything rather than lose them.
Government consequently is at the mercy of any organization which has
votes on a large scale to sell, or corporations that will freely
contribute its funds. The Grand Army of the Republic is thus enabled to
levy upon the nation tribute to the amount of a hundred and fifty
million dollars each year, thirty-six years after the war, although
General Grant at the close of the war said that the pensions should
never exceed seven millions each year. And now both parties in their
platform promise their countenance to this exaction.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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