At a meeting of his constituents he laid down his confession of faith.
A special act, he explained, was in no way justified, would indeed be
ineffectual, and lead away from the object they had in view. The
government would be guilty of libel if it made the Socialists
answerable for a crime committed by two half or wholly insane persons;
it was the duty of the government to prove that these attacks were the
work of the Socialists: that proof, however, it had been unable to
discover. Moreover, no special act in the world could hinder people of
unsound mind from committing insane deeds--the crimes of a Hodel or a
Nobiling could not be predicted, but neither could they be prevented by
any kind of precautionary measure. The sole result of a special act
would be to make the Socialists practically outlaws in their own
country. That would constitute not only a terrible severity against a
large class of their fellow-citizens, but a frightful danger to the
State. In hundreds and thousands of hearts it would destroy the sense
of fellowship with the community in which they lived; they would look
upon themselves as outcasts, and become the enemies of their pursuers.
It would be exactly as if some thousands of Frenchmen were set down in
the midst of the German population--in the army, in the cities, the
factories, the arsenals and railways, where they would only wait for a
favorable opportunity to revenge themselves on their conquerors. That
would be the inevitable result if the Socialists were deprived of the
security of the common law. He considered the Socialist doctrines false
and mischievous, and their aims senseless
and--fortunately--unattainable, and for that very reason he did not
fear them. But deprive the Socialists of the possibility of expressing
themselves freely in word and print, and their grievances, which now
found vent in harmless speechifying, would assume the form of practical
violence.
His speech made an impression, but that of a rival candidate a still
greater, for he succeeded in rousing the deepest and most powerful
emotions of his hearers, by the plain statement that whoever refused
the government the right of adopting such measures as it thought
necessary for the safety of the public, simply delivered the life of
their aged and beloved sovereign into the hands of assassins. At the
election, Schrotter had on his side only a small number of
independent-minded voters, who were able to remain unmoved by
sentimental arguments. The workingmen would not vote for him, knowing
him to be an opponent of Socialism. The rival candidate was returned by
a large majority.
The Reichstag assembled, the Socialist Act was passed, Berlin declared
to be in a state of semi-siege, and a great number of workmen dismissed
from the city. It was November, and winter had set in with unusual
severity. On a dark and bitterly cold afternoon, old Stubbe, who had
been agent in the Eynhardts' house for twenty years, entered Wilhelm's
room.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account