The mediaeval stage, volume 2 (of 2)Chambers, E. K. (Edmund Kerchever)
History
The mediaeval stage, volume 2 (of 2)
Chambers, E. K. (Edmund Kerchever)
Drama, Medieval -- History and criticism; Theater -- History -- Medieval, 500-1500
The chief of these forces is, of course, the influence of classical
comedy and tragedy. These, as vital forms of literature, did not long
survive the fall of the theatres, with which, indeed, their connexion had
long been of the slightest. In the East, a certain tradition of Christian
book dramas begins with the anti-Gnostic dialogues of St. Methodius in
the fourth century and ends with the much disputed Χριστὸς Πάσχων in the
eleventh or twelfth[613]. It is the merest conjecture that some of these
may have been given some kind of representation in the churches[614].
In the West the _Aulularia_ of Plautus was rehandled under the title
of _Querolus_ at the end of the fourth century, and possibly also the
_Amphitruo_ under that of _Geta_[615]. In the fifth, Magnus, the father
of Consentius, is said by Sidonius, as Shakespeare is said by Ben
Jonson, to have ‘outdone insolent Greece, or haughty Rome[616].’ Further
the production of plays cannot be traced. Soon afterwards most of the
classical dramatists pass into oblivion. A knowledge of Seneca or of
Plautus, not to speak of the Greeks, is the rarest of things from the
tenth century to the fourteenth. The marked exception is Terence who, as
Dr. Ward puts it, led ‘a charmed life in the darkest ages of learning.’
This he owed, doubtless, to his unrivalled gift of packing up the most
impeccable sentiments in the neatest of phrases. His vogue as a school
author was early and enduring, and the whole of mediaevalism, a few of
the stricter moralists alone dissenting, hailed him as a master of the
wisdom of life[617]. At the beginning of the eleventh century, Notker
Labeo, a monk of St. Gall, writes that he has been invited to turn the
_Andria_ into German[618]. Not long before, Hrotsvitha, a Benedictine nun
of Gandersheim in Saxony, had taken Terence as her model for half a dozen
plays in Latin prose, designed to glorify chastity and to celebrate the
constancy of the martyrs. The dramaturgy of Hrotsvitha appears to have
been an isolated experiment and the merest literary exercise. Her plays
abound in delicate situations, and are not likely to have been intended
even for cloister representation[619]. Nor is there much evidence for
any representation of the Terentian comedies themselves. A curious
fragment known as _Terentius et Delusor_ contains a dialogue between the
_vetus poeta_ and a _persona delusoris_ or mime. The nature of this is
somewhat enigmatic, but it certainly reads as if it might be a prologue
or _parade_ written for a Terentian representation. In any case, it is
wholly unparalleled[620]. In fact, although the Middle Ages continued to
read Terence, the most extraordinary ideas prevailed as to how his dramas
were originally produced. Vague reminiscences of the pantomimic art of
later Rome led to the mistaken supposition that the poet himself, or a
_recitator_, declaimed the text from a _pulpitum_ above the stage, while
the actors gesticulated voicelessly below[621]. By a further confusion
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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