The Memoirs of François René Vicomte de Chateaubriand sometime Ambassador to England. volume 3 (of 6): Mémoires d'outre-tombe volume 3Chateaubriand, François-René, vicomte de
History
The Memoirs of François René Vicomte de Chateaubriand sometime Ambassador to England. volume 3 (of 6): Mémoires d'outre-tombe volume 3
Chateaubriand, François-René, vicomte de
Chateaubriand, François-René, vicomte de, 1768-1848
The squadron weighed anchor. Since the bark which carried Cæsar, no
ship had been laden with so great a destiny. Bonaparte was approaching
that sea of miracles upon which the Arab of Mount Sinai had seen
him pass. The last French land that Napoleon discerned was Cape la
Hogue[373]: another trophy of the English.
The Emperor had been mistaken in the interest of his memory, when he
wished to remain in Europe; he would soon have been only a vulgar or
faded prisoner: his old rôle was ended. But, beyond that rôle, a new
position revivified him with a new renown. No man of universal fame has
had an end similar to Napoleon's. He was not, as after his first fall,
proclaimed autocrat of a few quarries of iron and marble, the first to
furnish him with a sword, the second with a statue; an eagle, he was
given a rock on the point of which he remained in the sun-light till
his death, in full view of the whole world.
*
At the moment when Bonaparte is quitting Europe, in which he is giving
up his life to go in search of the destinies of his death, it is well
to examine this man of two existences, to depict the false and the true
Napoleon: they blend and form a whole from the mixture of their reality
and their falsehood.
[Sidenote: Napoleon as statesman.]
From the conjunction of these remarks it results that Bonaparte was
a poet in action, an immense genius in war, an indefatigable, able
and intelligent spirit in administration, a laborious and rational
legislator. That is why he has so great a hold on the imagination of
peoples and so much authority over the judgment of practical men.
But, as a politician, he will always appear deficient in the eyes of
statesmen. This observation, which has escaped the majority of his
panegyrists, will, I am convinced, become the definite opinion that
will survive concerning him; it will explain the contrast between his
prodigious actions and their pitiful results. At St. Helena, he himself
severely condemned his political conduct on two points: the Spanish War
and the Russian War; he might have extended his confession to other
delinquencies. His enthusiasts will perhaps not maintain that, when
blaming himself, he was mistaken in himself.
Let us recapitulate:
Bonaparte acted contrary to all prudence, not to speak again of the
hatefulness of the action, in killing the Duc d'Enghien: he attached
a weight to his life. Notwithstanding the puerile apologists, this
death, as we have seen, was the secret leaven of the discords that
subsequently burst out between Alexander and Napoleon, as also between
Prussia and France.
The attempt upon Spain was completely improper: the Peninsula was the
Emperor's; he could turn it to the most advantageous account: instead
of that, he turned it into a school for the English soldiers and into
the cause of his own destruction through the rising of a people.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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