"I often ask myself with a heavy heart what purpose will have been served by writings such as yours, monsieur, such as those of the most eminent men of the opinion to which I myself belong, if, from this agreement between the highest intellects of the country for the constant defense of the rights of discussion, there did not at last result, for the bulk of French minds, a resolve thenceforth to insist upon, under every form of government, to exact from all victorious systems, whatever they may be, liberty of thought, speech and writing, as the first condition of all lawfully exercised authority. Is it not true, monsieur, that when, under the last government, you asked for the most complete liberty of discussion, it was not for the momentary service which your political friends might derive from it in opposition to adversaries who had forced their way into power by intrigue? There were some who made use of the press in this way, as they have since proved; but you, monsieur, asked for liberty of discussion as essential to the public welfare, as the weapon and general protection of all ideas, young or old; that is what earned for you, monsieur, the gratitude and respect of opinions to which the Revolution of July has opened the lists again. That is why our work is incident on yours, and, when we quote your writings, we do so less from admiration of the incomparable talent which produced them than as aspiring to continue the same task at a great distance, young soldiers as we are of a cause of which you are the most glorious veteran. "What you have wished for thirty years, monsieur, what I would wish, if I be permitted to mention myself after you, is to secure to the interests that divide our beautiful France a law of combat that shall be more humane, more civilized, more brotherly, more conclusive than civil war. When shall we succeed in bringing ideas face to face, instead of parties, and lawful and avowable interests, instead of disguises, egoism and cupidity? When shall we see speech and persuasion cause those inevitable transactions which the contest of parties and the shedding of blood also bring to pass by exhaustion, but too late for the dead in both camps and, too often, without profit for the wounded and survivors? As you so sorrowfully say, monsieur, it seems that many lessons have been wasted and that men no longer know in France what it costs to take refuge in a despotism that promises silence and repose. We must none the less continue to speak, write and print; resources most unforeseen sometimes issue from constancy. And so, of all the splendid examples which you, monsieur, have set, that which I have most constantly before my eyes is expressed in one word: Persevere.