United States -- History -- 1815-1861; United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
It is true that Mr. Salazar said in his communication something about
the status of Hayti being a subject of deliberation for the congress.
It was also true that Hayti had been for thirty years in a state of
chronic insurrection and revolution, and that the former negro slave
population had, by the assassination of their former masters and
mistresses, freed themselves from bondage, taken possession of the
country, and were reducing it to barbarism at a rapid {152} pace. It
is furthermore true that the slaveholders in the United States did not
wish their own homes to be made the scenes of any such ruin and
savagery, or themselves or their families to be made subject to any
such fate; and, it may be confidently hazarded, that no Northerner, at
that day, viewed such possibilities with anything but aversion and
horror. It required a quarter of a century of radical abolition
recklessness, the blunder-crime of secession, and the desperation of
long-continued, and at first unsuccessful, war, to make the men of the
North regard without sympathy such dangers to their Southern brethren.
The North and the South simply could not have divided, at that time,
upon the question of the relation to Hayti. There was only one view
upon that subject, and that was that the example and influence of
Hayti must be held far away from these shores. This could have been
accomplished, however, as well by attending the congress as by staying
away, perhaps better. At least, the Haytian question was no chief
ground of opposition to the mission, and certainly no chief ground in
favor of the mission.
[Sidenote: Cuba and Porto Rico.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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