United States -- History -- 1815-1861; United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
[Sidenote: The Tariff of 1828.]
At the beginning of the next session of Congress, that of 1827-28, the
committee on Manufactures brought in another bill. It advanced the
duty on iron by from ten to fifteen per centum; it advanced the duty
on wool by from about fifty to more than one hundred per centum,
imposing both a specific and an _ad valorem_ duty upon it. It changed
the duty upon woollen goods costing less than $2.50 a square yard from
an _ad valorem_ to a specific duty, and increased the duty by about
twenty per centum. It retained the _ad valorem_ duty on woollens
costing more than $2.50 a square yard, and increased the same by about
twenty per centum, and in addition thereto it imposed a minimum
valuation of $4 a square yard upon all such goods costing between
$2.50 and $4 a square yard, which would effect an additional increase
of duty of about fifty per centum on the average. It finally increased
the duty on hemp by about twenty-five per centum immediately, and by
about eighty per centum in three years.
This was a far more moderate protection upon woollen fabrics than that
proposed at the previous session, on account of the fact that the duty
on the raw material was so greatly increased. It was at least
questionable whether the manufacturers would receive any substantial
benefit out of the measure. Mr. Mallary, the {161} chairman of the
committee, felt so dubious about this that he dissented from the
committee's report in regard to woollen fabrics, and offered an
amendment to the bill for the purpose of curing this defect. He could
not, however, bring the House to accept his proposition, but his
opposition to the committee's report opened the way for some
modification of the bill to the advantage of the manufacturers. It was
still, however, no great boon to the manufacturers. It was about as
much a wool- and hemp-grower's bill as a manufacturer's bill. Nobody
could tell whether it would be more beneficial to the manufacturers
than to the wool- and hemp-growers.
One thing alone was certain, and that was, that the cotton-planters
and those engaged in foreign commerce would have no direct share in
the benefits of the measure. And it was also very difficult to figure
out any indirect benefits for them. It would not widen the domestic
market for raw cotton. It would increase the price of woollen fabrics.
It would increase the domestic demand for the products of Western
agriculture, and thereby increase the price of these products to the
Southern consumers of them. And it would discourage the importation of
woollen goods. These were all the results easily discernible, and
every one of them bore hard upon the planting and shipping interests.
The representatives from the Southern Commonwealths pointed out these
things, but they were told to establish manufactures themselves, and
then they would be tributary to nobody.
[Sidenote: The Southerners not yet agreed that slave labor could not
be employed in manufacture.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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