United States -- History -- 1815-1861; United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
Of course this rule must be readopted at the beginning of each
session, and a debate upon the readoption might be thus precipitated,
but, so long as a majority supported the rule, the previous question
could be voted after giving a reasonable opportunity to discuss the
question of readoption, and such discussion was then not likely to be
renewed during the session. It was possible also for petitions to be
{262} presented, at the beginning of the session, before the
readoption of the rule, and these could be disposed of only by a
special vote in each case to lay upon the table. There were thus still
opportunities for the Abolitionists to cause the House to resolve
itself into something more like a bear-garden than an assembly of
Witan, as was evident from the scenes which were enacted on February
6th, 1837, when Mr. Adams came into the House with a petition in
regard to slavery signed by some twenty slaves, and asked the Speaker
if it came under the rule for laying such petitions on the table.
Everybody supposed that the petition contained the usual prayer for
the abolition of slavery, and that the Abolitionists had incited the
slaves to the act. Mr. Adams allowed the excitement produced by this
supposition to rage for a time, and then coolly and derisively
informed the House that the prayer of the petition was not for
abolition but against it. The members now felt that Mr. Adams was
playing with the peace, order, and dignity of the House in a
scandalous way, and for several days the question of censuring him was
considered, but the matter was finally disposed of by a resolution
declaring: "That slaves do not possess the right of petition secured
to the people of the United States by the Constitution."
At the beginning of the next session, that of 1837-38, Mr. Slade
seized the opportunity to present an abolition petition before the
re-enactment of the Pinckney rule, and to provoke a debate on the
subject of slavery. He was substantially foiled, however, by a vote to
adjourn, and, upon reassembly, by a suspension of the rules and a
re-enactment of the resolution to lay everything in reference to
slavery on the table. This rule covered all matters relating to
slavery in the Territories as well as in the Commonwealths and the
District.
{263} [Sidenote: The increase of petitions, and the denunciation of
the Pinckney rule.]
The more the House did to discourage the petitions the more they
increased. In two years from the adoption of the Pinckney resolutions
the number of petitioners was tenfold greater than it was before their
enactment. At the same time the legislatures of the New England
Commonwealths were passing resolutions declaring the rule of the House
of Representatives in regard to the abolition petitions to be a
violation of the people's constitutional right, and also declaring
that Congress possessed the power to abolish slavery in the District
of Columbia.
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