United States -- History -- 1815-1861; United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
The Postmaster-General, Mr. Amos Kendall, one of the shrewdest of
politicians, though no great constitutional lawyer, answered the
appeal from the postmaster at New York immediately. He instructed his
subordinate that the executive power of the Government had no legal
authority to exclude mail matter, as defined by {272} Congress, from
the mails on account of the character of its contents, real or
supposed. If Mr. Kendall had stopped with this he would have been
entirely correct; but he went on to say that he would not direct the
postmaster at New York to forward the Abolition documents or the
postmaster at Charleston to deliver them, commended their assumption
of the responsibility of withholding them from the addressees, and
declared that the United States officials owed an obligation to the
laws of the United States, but a higher one to the communities in
which they lived. Mr. Kendall probably meant this part of his
communication as the advice of one private citizen to another. Looked
at in the most charitable light possible, however, it was
unjustifiable and pernicious. It was nothing less than an
encouragement to his subordinates to suspend the execution of the laws
which they were appointed to execute and sworn to execute, when in
their several opinions the welfare of the communities in which they
might live should require it. This was nullification, not by a "State"
convention, but by an individual United States officer. How the
President, who had always so sternly denounced any attempt to prevent
the execution of the laws, could approve this is difficult to
understand. His indignation at the Abolitionists in persisting in what
he considered an abuse of the freedom of the mails probably blinded
him to the real significance of the matter.
[Sidenote: Jackson on the use of the mails by the Abolitionists.]
In his message of the following December, the President denounced the
methods of the Abolitionists in sending their incendiary literature
into the South as calculated and intended to excite a servile war with
all its horrors, and recommended Congress to pass a law prohibiting,
"under severe penalties, the circulation in the Southern States, {273}
through the mail, of incendiary publications intended to instigate the
slaves to insurrection."
Mr. Calhoun himself moved the reference of this part of the
President's message to a select committee in the Senate. Mr. Calhoun
was appointed the chairman of the committee, and on February 4th,
1836, he brought in a report and a bill.
[Sidenote: Mr. Calhoun's report and bill on the subject.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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