United States -- History -- 1815-1861; United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
During the course of the debate upon it, Mr. Calhoun {296} frankly
told the Senate that he regarded the great importance of the
recognition of the independence of Texas to consist in the fact that
it prepared the way for the speedy admission of Texas into the Union,
which would be a necessity to the proper balance of power in the Union
between the slaveholding and the non-slaveholding Commonwealths, upon
which the preservation of the Union and the perpetuation of its
institutions rested. After such a statement it is difficult to see how
anybody could speak of the annexation of Texas being a slaveholders'
secret intrigue. Mr. Calhoun, the great leader of the slaveholders,
the director of their policy, here at the very outset openly
proclaimed their purpose. The fact is that, at the time of the Texan
declaration of independence, almost everybody would have favored the
annexation of Texas to the United States, out of race sympathy with
the Texans and desire for territorial extension, except for the
international complications with Mexico, which must inevitably result.
It was the struggle over the Abolition petitions in 1836, 1837, and
1838 which turned the thoughts of men upon the internal questions
involved in the movement, and caused the North generally to reconsider
its attitude upon the question.
On July 4th, 1836, the House of Representatives passed a resolution of
the same tenor, and expressed in nearly the same words, as the Senate
resolution of July 1st. It seems to have been called forth by
memorials from citizens of Ohio and Pennsylvania.
[Illustration: TEXAS, at the Time of Annexation.]
[Sidenote: The mission of Mr. Morfit to Texas, his report and advice.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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