United States -- History -- 1815-1861; United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
Change of Attitude of the Slaveholders by the Fugitive Slave Law of
1850--The First Cases Under the New Law--The Opposition to the
Execution of the Law--Establishment of the "Underground"--The Support
of the Law by the Political Leaders--The President's Support of the
Law--Joshua R. Giddings--Petitions for the Repeal of the Law--The
Shadrach Case--The Investigation of the Case by Congress--The Question
of Increasing the Power of the President to Execute the Law--The Sims
Case--Excitement in Boston Over the Rendition of Sims--The "Jerry
Rescue"--The President's Rebuke--Mr. Foote's Finality Resolutions--The
Failure of the Resolutions to Pass the Senate, but Their Success in
the House--The National Conventions of 1852 and the Finality of the
Compromise Measures--The Deaths of Clay and of Webster, and the
Appearance of a Free-soil Candidate--The Overwhelming Democratic
Victory of 1852--The True Policy of the Slaveholders, and Their
Failure to Discern It.
[Sidenote: Change of attitude of the slaveholders by the Fugitive
Slave Law of 1850.]
Down to the time of the enactment of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850,
it may be said that the slaveholders were acting, in a certain sense,
on the defensive. Before 1787, slavery had been regarded as a
temporary relation, demanded by the moral and intellectual degradation
of the Africans, and by the necessities of the social structure in
which Anglo-Saxon and negro were brought together. It had been
considered that the rise of the negro in civilization, by his contact
with the white race, {366} would gradually change this relation in the
direction of freedom. In fact it had done so, in a considerable
degree. But the formation of the Constitution of 1787, the invention
and use of the cotton-gin, the acquisition of Louisiana, and the
general subsidence of the revolutionary spirit of the eighteenth
century, were all unfavorable to further progress in this only proper
and correct direction. Between 1830 and 1840, a strong retrogressive
movement set in, as we have seen, provoked indeed, in a considerable
degree, by the Abolition propaganda; and in consequence of it, the
slaveholders abandoned the only moral principle upon which slavery
could be justified, and began to adopt the idea of the permanency of
the relation, and to undertake the adjustment of the laws, customs,
institutions, and policies of the country to this idea. And, at last,
by the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, they committed the whole country to
this course. In a word, they made slavery by this law a national
matter, and they did it from the property point of view of slavery,
the point of view which exhibits it in its most hateful light, and
from which no moral justification whatsoever for its existence can be
found.
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