The migrations of early culture: A study of the significance of the geographical distribution of the practice of mummification as evidence of the migrations of peoples and the spread of certain customs and beliefsSmith, Grafton Elliot
History
The migrations of early culture: A study of the significance of the geographical distribution of the practice of mummification as evidence of the migrations of peoples and the spread of certain customs and beliefs
Smith, Grafton Elliot
Ethnology; Human beings -- Migrations; Mummies
“It will be observed that this mode of finding the position of the ship
at sea, which recalls the sending out of the birds from the Ark, is said
to have been the custom ‘long ago.’ It would seem therefore, that in the
fifth century B.C. other and probably more scientific methods were in
use. It would also appear that the navigation of the ocean was even then
an ancient institution.
“In the time of the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Fah Hian (about 406 A.D.)
there was a regular and evidently old-established trade between India and
China and with the islands of the Archipelago.
“Fah Hian sailed from Tamalitti, or Tamralipti, at the mouth of the
Ganges, in a great merchant ship, and in fourteen days reached Ceylon
(Fo-Kwo-ki, Beal., I, lxxi, lxxii.). From thence he sailed in a great
ship which carried about two hundred men, and which was navigated by
observing the sun, moon and stars. In this ship Fah Hian reached Ye-po-ti
(probably Java) in which country heretics and Brahmans flourished, but
the law of Buddha was not much known (_Ib._, I, lxxx.). Here the pilgrim
embarked for China on board another ship carrying two hundred men,
amongst whom were Brahmans. These proposed to treat the sramana as Jonah
was treated, and for the same reason, but some of those on board took his
part. At length when their provisions were nearly exhausted, they reached
China (_Ib._, I, lxxxi., lxxxii.). All these ships appear to have been
Indian and not Chinese.
“Fah Hian mentions that pirates were numerous in those seas (_Ib._, I,
lxxx.), which shows that the commerce must have been considerable” (p.
171).
“It seems in the highest degree improbable that this close connection
between the Sun and the serpent could have originated, independently,
in countries so far apart as China and the West of Africa, or India
and Peru. And it seems scarcely possible that, in addition to this,
the same forms of worship of these deities, and the same ritual, could
have arisen, spontaneously, amongst each of these far distant peoples.
The alternative appears to be that the combined worship of the Sun and
serpent-gods must have spread from a common centre, by the migration of,
or communication with, the people who claimed Solar descent.
“So universally was the Naga held sacred, that it would seem to have been
the earliest totem of the people who claimed descent from the Sun-god”
(p. 183).
I have quoted so extensively from Oldham’s fascinating work because the
conclusions at which he arrived from a study of the ancient literature of
India is confirmed by evidence derived from utterly different sources,
not only from India itself but also from other countries. For, scattered
throughout the length and breadth of India, are to be found thousands of
indications (in traditions, beliefs, customs, social organisation and
material relics) that the complete “heliolithic” culture had reached
India not later than the beginning of the seventh century B.C.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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