The migrations of early culture: A study of the significance of the geographical distribution of the practice of mummification as evidence of the migrations of peoples and the spread of certain customs and beliefsSmith, Grafton Elliot
History
The migrations of early culture: A study of the significance of the geographical distribution of the practice of mummification as evidence of the migrations of peoples and the spread of certain customs and beliefs
Smith, Grafton Elliot
Ethnology; Human beings -- Migrations; Mummies
Another remarkable practice which probably formed part of the
equipment of the heliolithic wanderers was massage. It was employed
by the Egyptians as early as the Sixth Dynasty, as we know from the
representations of the operations in a Sakkara _mastaba_ (Capart, =11=).
Piorry (=57=) has given an account of the wide range of the practice
of massage, from Egypt to India, China and Tahiti, and the high state
of efficiency attained in its use in ancient times in India and China.
The Chinese manuscript _Kong-Fau_ contained detailed accounts of the
operation. Piorry remarks, “it is clear that for us its development did
not originate from the practices described in the books of Cong-tzée or
the compilation of Susrata.”
From Rivers’ interesting account of massage in Melanesia (=67=) it is
evident that the method must have an origin common to it and the modern
European practice, and that it could not have arisen amongst a barbarous
people like the Melanesians, who have the most extraordinary conceptions
as to why and how it serves a therapeutic purpose. Although we have no
evidence to prove that massage spread along with the heliolithic culture,
the fact that it has a similar geographical distribution, and certainly
was extensively practised in Egypt long before the great migration
began, suggests that it may represent another Egyptian element of that
remarkable culture-complex.
In his masterly analysis of the cultures of Oceania (=69=) Rivers has
given a useful summary of the evidence relating to the practice of
preserving the body, and has drawn certain inferences from these and
other burial practices, which I propose to examine. “In some cases,
as in Tikopia, interment takes place either in the house or within a
structure representing a house, while in Tonga and Samoa the bodies of
chiefs are interred in vaults built of stone. Often the body is buried in
a canoe or in a hollowed log of wood, which represents a canoe” (=69=, p.
269). From the evidence to which reference has been made in the course
of the present memoir it is unnecessary to insist at any length on the
importance and obvious significance of these facts. But I question the
inference Rivers draws (p. 270) from the burial in boats. He says “the
practice can be regarded as a result of the fact of migration, and does
not show that the use of a canoe was the practice of the immigrants
in their original home.” The practice is so widespread, however, and
in Egypt and elsewhere had such a deep-rooted significance that it is
difficult to believe this custom was not brought by the immigrants with
them. I am willing to admit that the special circumstances of the people
of Oceania naturally emphasized what may be called the “boat-element”
in the funerary ritual; but the association of the use of boats with
burial is so curious and constant a feature of the “heliolithic” culture
where-ever it manifests itself (_vide supra_) as hardly to have arisen
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