France -- Civilization; France -- Politics and government; France -- Social life and customs -- 19th century
more free; he can operate on a larger scale and take in whole bodies
collectively. On the 20th of October 1800, a resolution strikes off
entire categories from the list, all whose condemnation is too grossly
unjust or malicious,[3123] at first, minors under sixteen and the wives
of émigrés; next, farmers, artisans, workmen, journeymen and servants
with their wives and children and at last 18,000 ecclesiastics who,
banished by law, left the country only in obedience to the law. Besides
these, "all individuals inscribed collectively and without individual
denomination," those already struck off, but provisionally, by local
administrations; also still other classes. Moreover, a good many
emigrants, yet standing on the lists, steal back one by one into France,
and the government tolerates them.[3124] Finally, eighteen months later,
after the peace of Amiens and the Concord at,[3125] a sénatus-consulte
ends the great operation; an amnesty relieves all who are not yet
struck off, except the declared leaders of the militant emigration, its
notables, and who are not to exceed one thousand; the rest may come back
and enjoy their civic rights; only, they must promise "loyalty to the
government established under the constitution and not maintain directly
or indirectly any connection or correspondence with the enemies of the
State." On this condition the doors of France are thrown open to them
and they return in crowds.
But their bodily presence is not of itself sufficient; it is moreover
essential that they should not be absent in feeling, as strangers and
merely domiciliated in the new society. Were these mutilated fragments
of old France, these human shreds put back in their old places, simply
attached or placed in juxtaposition to modern France, they would prove
useless, troublesome and even mischievous. Let us strive, then, to have
them grafted on afresh through adherence or complete fusion; and first,
to effect this, they must not be allowed to die of inanition; they
must take root physically and be able to live. In private life, how
can former proprietors, the noblesse, the parliamentarians, the upper
bourgeoisie, support themselves, especially those without a profession
or pursuit, and who, before 1789, maintained themselves, not by their
labor, but by their income? Once at home, they can no longer earn their
living as they did abroad; they can no longer give lessons in French, in
dancing, or in fencing.--There is no doubt but that the sénatus-consulte
which amnesties them restores to them a part of their unsold
possessions;[3126] but most of these are sold and, on the other hand,
the First Consul, who is not disposed to re-establish large fortunes for
royalists,[3127] retains and maintains the largest portion of what they
have been despoiled of in the national domain: all woods and forests of
300 arpents[3128] and over, their stock and property rights in the
great canals, and their personal property already devoted to the public
service.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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