The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of MankindGobineau, Arthur, comte de
Philosophy
The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of Mankind
But, in Mr. Guizot's opinion, civilization is a fact, a unity; and it is
of an essentially political character. Let us see how he defines it. He
has chosen a series of hypotheses, describing society in various
conditions, and then asks if the state so described is, in the general
opinion of mankind, the state of a people advancing in civilization--if
it answers to the signification which mankind generally attaches to this
word.[94]
"First imagine a people whose outward circumstances are easy and
agreeable; few taxes; few hardships; justice is fairly administered; in
a word, physical existence, taken altogether, is satisfactorily and
happily regulated. But, with all this, the moral and intellectual
energies of this people are studiously kept in a state of torpor and
inertness. It can hardly be called oppression; its tendency is not of
that character--it is rather compression. We are not without examples of
this state of society. There have been a great number of little
aristocratic republics, in which the people have been thus treated like
a flock of sheep, carefully tended, physically happy, but without the
least intellectual and moral activity. Is this civilization? Do we
recognize here a people in a state of moral and social advancement?"
I know not whether such a people is in a state of advancement, but it
certainly may be in a very advanced state of civilization, else we
should find ourselves compelled to class among the savages or barbarians
all those aristocratic republics of ancient and modern times, which
answer Mr. Guizot's description. But the common sense of mankind would
never ratify a method which ejected from within the pale of civilization
not only the Phenicians, Carthaginians, and Lacedæmonians, but even
Venice, Genoa, Pisa, the free cities of Germany--in fact, all the
powerful municipalities of the last centuries. But, besides this mode of
proceeding being too paradoxical and restrictive, it seems to me to
encounter another difficulty. Those little aristocratic states, to whom,
on account of their form of government, Mr. Guizot denies the aptitude
for civilization, have, for the most part, never been in possession of a
special culture peculiar to themselves. Powerful as many of them have
been, they assimilated, in this respect, with nations differently
governed, but of consanguineous affinity; they formed a fragment only of
a greater and more general civilization. Thus, the Carthaginians and
Phenicians, though at a great distance from one another, had a similar
mode of culture, the type of which must be sought in Assyria. The
Italian republics participated in the same ideas and opinions which
developed themselves in the bosom of neighboring monarchies. The
imperial cities of Thuringia and Suabia, although perfectly independent
in a political point of view, were nevertheless intimately united with
the general progressive or retrogressive movement of the whole German
race. Mr.
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