The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of MankindGobineau, Arthur, comte de
Philosophy
The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of Mankind
I omit the last two hypotheses, because, thanks to the first two, the
state of civilization is already restricted within boundaries so
contracted that scarce any people on the globe is justified in
pretending to it. A nation, then, can be called civilized only when it
enjoys institutions happily blending popular liberty and the requisite
strength of authority for maintaining order; when its progress in
material well-being and its moral development are co-ordinate in a
certain manner, and no other; where religion, as well as government, is
confined within limits accurately defined, which neither ever
transgresses; where each individual possesses clearly determinate and
inalienable rights. According to this formula, no nation can be
civilized unless its political institutions are of the constitutional
and representative form, and consequently it is impossible to save many
European nations from the reproach of barbarism. Then, measuring the
_degree_ of civilization by the perfection of this same and only
political form, we are compelled to place in a second rank all those
constitutional states which have ill employed the engine of parliament,
to reserve the crown exclusively for those who know how to make good use
of it. By this reasoning, I am forced to consider as truly civilized,
in the past as well as the present, none but the single English
nation.[95]
I sincerely respect and admire that great people, whose victories,
industry, and universal commerce have left no portion of our globe
ignorant of its puissance and the prodigies it has performed. But
still, I do not feel disposed to respect and admire in the world no
other: it would seem to me too humiliating and cruel to humanity to
confess that, since the beginning of time, it has never succeeded in
producing a civilization anywhere but upon a small island of the Western
Ocean, has never discovered the laws and forms which produce this state
until the reign of William and Mary. Such a conception of civilization
might seem to many rather a little too narrow and restrictive. But there
is another objection. If we attach the idea of civilization to a
political form, reason, observation, and science will soon lose their
vote in the decision of the question, which must thenceforth be left to
the passions and prejudices of parties. There will be some whose
preferences will lead them stoutly to deny that the institutions of the
British Isles are the "perfection of human reason:" their enthusiasm,
perchance, will be expended in praising the order established in St.
Petersburg or in Vienna. Many, again, and perhaps the greater number of
all living between the Rhine and the Pyrenees, will sustain to the last
that, notwithstanding a few blemishes, the most polished, the most
civilized country of the world is _la belle France_. The moment that the
decision of the degree of intellectual culture becomes a matter of
preference, a question of sentiment, to come to an understanding is
impossible.
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