The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of MankindGobineau, Arthur, comte de
Philosophy
The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of Mankind
Yet they are not wicked or ill-disposed.
Among themselves they are kind-hearted, charitable, and obliging. But
then they regard themselves as a distinct race--a race, they tell
you--that is weak, oppressed, and that must resort to cunning and
stratagem to gain their due, but which, nevertheless, preserves its
pride and contempt for all others. In many of our provinces, the laborer
believes himself of much better stock than his former lord or present
employer. The family pride of many of our peasants is, to say the least,
as great as that of the nobility during the Middle Ages.[115]
It cannot be doubted that the lower strata of the population of France
have few features in common with the higher. Our civilization penetrates
but little below the surface. The great mass is indifferent--nay,
positively hostile to it. The most tragic events have stained the
country with torrents of blood, unparalleled convulsions have destroyed
every ancient fabric, both social and political. Yet the agricultural
populations have never been roused from their apathetic
indifference,[116] have never taken any other part but that to which
they were forced. When their own personal and immediate interests were
not at stake, they allowed the tempests to blow by without concern,
without even passive sympathy on one side or the other. Many persons,
frightened and scandalized at this spectacle, have declared the
peasantry as irreclaimably perverse. This is at the same time an
injustice, and a very false appreciation of their character. The
peasants regard us almost as their enemies. They comprehend nothing of
our civilization, contribute nothing to it of their own accord, and they
think themselves authorized to profit by its disasters, whenever they
can. Apart from this antagonism, which sometimes displays itself in an
active, but oftener in a passive manner, it cannot be doubted that they
possess moral qualities of a high order, though often singularly
applied.
Such is the state of civilization in France. It may be asserted that of
a population of thirty-six millions, ten participate in the ideas and
mode of thinking upon which our civilization is based, while the
remaining twenty-six altogether ignore them, are indifferent and even
hostile to them, and this computation would, I think, be even more
flattering than the real truth. Nor is France an exception in this
respect. The picture I have given applies to the greater part of Europe.
Our civilization is suspended, as it were, over an unfathomable gulf, at
the bottom of which there slumber elements which may, one day, be roused
and prove fearfully, irresistibly destructive. This is an awful, an
ominous truth. Upon its ultimate consequences it is painful to reflect.
Wisdom may, perhaps, foresee the storm, but can do little to avert it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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