The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of MankindGobineau, Arthur, comte de
Philosophy
The Moral and Intellectual Diversity of Races: With Particular Reference to Their Respective Influence in the Civil and Political History of Mankind
For the sake of the argument, I shall assume that all now civilized
nations at first treated their women as the actual barbarians treat
theirs. That this is not so, I hope to place beyond doubt; but, assuming
it to be the case, might not the fact that some left off that
treatment, while others did not, be adduced as a proof of the inequality
of races? "The law of the relation of the sexes," says Van Amringe, "is
more deeply engraven upon human nature than any other; because, whatever
theories may be adopted in regard to the origin of society, languages,
etc., no doubt can be entertained that the _influence of woman must have
been anterior to any improvements of the original condition of man_.
Consequently it was antecedent and superior to education and government.
That these relations were powerfully instrumental in the origin of
development, to give it a direction and character according to the
natures operating and operated upon, cannot be doubted by any one who
has paid the slightest attention to domestic influences, from and under
which education, customs, and government commenced."
But I totally deny that all races, in their first state of development,
treated their women equally. There is not only no historical testimony
to prove that _any_ of the white races were ever in such a state of
barbarity and in such moral debasement as most of the dark races are to
this day, and have always been, but there is positive evidence to show
that our barbarous ancestors assigned to woman the same position we
assign her now: she was the companion, and not the slave, of man. I have
already alluded to this in a previous note on the Teutonic races; I
cannot, however, but revert to it again.
As I have not space for a lengthy discussion, I shall mention but one
fact, which I think conclusive, and which rests upon incontrovertible
historical testimony. "To a German mind," says Tacitus (Murphy's
transl., vol. vii. 8), "the idea of a woman led into captivity is
insupportable. In consequence of this prevailing sentiment, the states
which deliver as hostages the daughters of illustrious families are
bound by the most effectual obligations." Did this assertion rest on the
authority of Tacitus only, it might perhaps be called in question. It
might be said that the illustrious Roman had drawn an ideal picture,
etc. But Cæsar dealt with realities, not idealities; he was a shrewd,
practical statesman, and an able general; yet Cæsar _did_ take females
as hostages from the German tribes, in preference to men. Suppose Cæsar
had made war against the King of Ashantee, and taken away some of his
three thousand three hundred and thirty-three wives, the mystical number
being thus forcibly disturbed, might have alarmed the nation, whose
welfare is supposed to depend on it; but the misfortune would soon have
been remedied.
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