In fact, the seepage from our spiritual life into the economic is large
or fully offset by a reverse penetration of depersonalized economic
principles and practices into the very citadels of spirituality.
Consider, for example, the prerogatives assumed by and commonly granted
to “the man who pays the bill.” Does the entirely unspiritual fact
of carrying the purse give one a preferred position with respect to
spiritual relations within the family? Yes or no? Does economic power,
or does it not, either intentionally or by mere drift, determine what
shall be soft-pedaled in schools, colleges, and theological seminaries?
No one takes the trouble to deny that laymen of means have influence in
the churches altogether out of proportion both to their number and to
their religious intelligence, and no one questions that this influence
colors the teachings called religious.
The spiritual does not succeed in maintaining itself alongside the
economic. In the nature of the case, it cannot do so; the economic
experience is bound, for good or for ill, to be the area in which some
of the chief character-forming forces are generated.
The present partition of ourselves into secular and religious,
industrial and cultural, practical and idealistic is deceptive and
ruinous. It results in half-conscious gropings, tangled purposes,
self-defeating self-assertions, fallacious self-justifications, and
diluted standards of spirituality. In consequence of it the economic
order lacks definite meaning. It should mean production for use and
for the enlargement of life all along the line, but instead it is not
unambiguously directed towards any human good whatsoever. It feeds the
hungry (some of them), but it also exploits their hunger. It indirectly
supports education, science, art, philanthropies, and religion; but at
the same time it promotes senseless luxury, conspicuous spending, a
commercialized amusement fever, political corruption, and the kind of
national economy that makes for war. If it has sharpened the wits of
many, and opened to them wider vistas, it has likewise made multitudes
of minds hard, materialistic, mechanical. It has produced class
consciousness and class conflict so general and so acute that sober
observers are wondering whether the system is not bound to destroy
itself by its internal friction.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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