Article 3 relates to members of the "house of delegates"; to the term of office, to the qualifications of the electors, to the qualifications of members, to their apportionment among the States, to their proportion with population, to "money bills," impeachment, the choosing of their own officers, and to vacancies. Here the Committee's method of breaking an article into sections begins. But the seven sections of the Committee's follow in the same order and almost in the same words, the sentences of Pinckney. The article, like Pinckney's, begins with, "The members of the house"; and ends, like his, "in the representation from which they shall happen." Article 4 relates to the Senate, and here first appear the individual opinions of Pinckney which were shared by no one. His senators were to be chosen by the House of Delegates. "From among the citizens and residents of New Hampshire"--"from among those from Massachusetts"--etc., etc. That is the representation was neither by States nor by population but by an arbitrary assignment in the Constitution. Pinckney believed that the Senate should represent the wealth of the country, and he probably intended that this arbitrary assignment should be representative of wealth. The senators from New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut were to form one class; those from New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Delaware another; and the remaining States a third. It was to be determined by lot which should go out of office first, which second, which third. As their times of service expired the House of Delegates was to fill them for a fixed and uniform term. This plan was suggested to Pinckney by the constitution of New York. Its only merit was that it would make the Senate a continuing body, as we now have it, one-third of the members going out at one time. Its errors seem incredible. It would have enabled the delegates from, say, the eastern and middle States to choose senators who would grossly misrepresent the southern States; with every change in the political supremacy of the House one-third of the senators would change, and one-third of the country might be represented by new and inexperienced men; with the people of a section of one political faith, their senators, chosen for them by the House of Delegates, might be of the opposite political belief. It is plain that when the Committee came to Pinckney's Article 4 they found something which would be of no use to them. The Convention had already marked out their work--the senatorial system which we still have--each State represented by two senators, each senator having an individual vote, the senators chosen by the legislatures of the several States. Yet even this article relating to Pinckney's senate, the Committee used, and used in a way which indicates that they took the paper upon which it was written and made it serve their purpose in framing their hurried draught. Art. V.