The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and EnfranchisementMerriam, George Spring
History
The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement
Merriam, George Spring
African Americans -- History; Slavery -- United States -- History
The new President gave at once the best possible reassurance as to his
general course by retaining all the members of Lincoln's Cabinet. They
remained, not as a temporary formality, but for a considerable time in
full harmony with the President. Chase having left the Cabinet for the
chief-justiceship, by far the two strongest secretaries remaining were
Seward and Stanton. Seward had been struck down at the same time with
Lincoln, and dangerously wounded, but after a few weeks was able to
resume his duties. Thus the two foremost men, after Lincoln, of the
Republican party, Sumner and Seward, had been murderously assaulted, yet
neither of them was embittered or altered in his course. Seward probably
had great influence on President Johnson's early measures. The degree of
that influence is a disputed point among historians, but the internal
evidence points strongly to his having had a large share in the
President's original plans, and materially aided their execution, though
Johnson's strong will and hot temper marred and thwarted Seward's
efforts. One of the secretary's special powers was a genial and
persuasive skill in conversation; his historic place as the Republican
premier gave him influence with the President; he had been in full
sympathy with Lincoln's late course; and his constitutional theories and
his optimism appear in the reconstruction scheme which the President
soon proposed. Responsibility had steadied and sobered Johnson; his
vindictiveness toward the South had disappeared,--one guesses with
Seward's aid; and his plan looked to a prompt and early return of the
seceded States.
His proclamation of amnesty, indeed, issued May 29, was more numerous in
its exceptions than Lincoln's; including almost the entire official
class throughout the South, and adding all such as held property in
excess of $20,000,--which in theory was little other than an attempt to
behead the political community of all its intelligent or wealthy
members. But the added clause providing for a pardon of such by the
President on special application proved in practice more significant
than the formal exemptions. Scarcely an application for amnesty was
refused, and it is recorded that in less than a twelvemonth 14,000 such
applications were made and granted.
On the same day, May 29, President Johnson by proclamation appointed a
provisional governor of North Carolina, and ordered an election of
delegates to a constitutional convention. By July 13, he had issued
similar proclamations for Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama, South Carolina
and Florida. Texas's turn came a little later, the last embers of the
war lingering there for a while. In Virginia, the President had
recognized a shadowy loyal State government which had kept up a nominal
existence. The three other seceded States,--Louisiana, Arkansas and
Tennessee,--had already the State governments established under Lincoln,
though unrepresented in Congress.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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