The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and EnfranchisementMerriam, George Spring
History
The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement
Merriam, George Spring
African Americans -- History; Slavery -- United States -- History
means; tolerant of Tammany Hall while it was a necessary factor
in the party, but leader in the fierce and skilful assault which
drove the Tweed ring from power. As Governor he had attacked
and routed a formidable gang of plunderers connected with the canal
management. On the issues which to thoughtful men were becoming
paramount,--administrative reform and sound finance,--he offered as good
promise as did Governor Hayes.
The two men, and the elements supporting them, stood for the new
politics instead of the old,--the replacement of the war issues and
their sequels by the matters of clean administration, sound currency,
and interests common alike to the whole nation. But the Republican
leaders found their best campaign material in what the slang of the time
called "waving the bloody shirt,"--reviving the cry of abuse of the
freedmen, suppression of the negro vote, and the need of national
protection for the nation's wards. It was out of keeping with Hayes's
record, and with his later performances,--but he let the campaign take
its way, and the sectional temper that was roused provided the
atmosphere in which the next act of the drama was played.
Election day came: the returns indicated the election of Tilden;
Democrats went to bed jubilant and Republicans regretful. Then, just
before the night-editor of the New York _Times_ put his paper to press
at 3 A.M., he noticed that the returns from South Carolina, Louisiana,
and Florida were hardly more than conjectural, and, on the chance of
making his tables more complete, he sent a neighborly inquiry to the
Republican headquarters as to whether they had definite returns from
those States. The inquiry came to the ears of a little knot of the party
managers, among them Zachariah Chandler, chairman of the national
committee. He caught at it,--"the Democrats are not sure of those
States,--we have a chance." Instantly--so the story goes--he sent
dispatches to the party managers in the three States, "Claim
everything." So they did--and so did he. Next morning, following the
first announcement of Tilden's election, came the assertion that the
Republicans had carried South Carolina, Louisiana and Florida--which
would give Hayes a majority of one vote in the electoral college. All
hung on the vote in those three States,--no, on the counting of the
votes! The returning-board of Louisiana, which had before been so
useful, was in full working order; Florida was similarly equiped; South
Carolina was in much the same case. The boards had authority to throw
out the entire vote of districts where there was proof that intimidation
had tainted the election. The business of merely counting the votes
might be supplemented by the operation of throwing out enough districts
to leave the prize with the party that did the counting. It soon
appeared that the returning boards could be trusted by their friends.
With all reasonable speed, they threw out enough votes to give all the
doubtful States to Hayes.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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