The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and EnfranchisementMerriam, George Spring
History
The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement
Merriam, George Spring
African Americans -- History; Slavery -- United States -- History
While the question of the new territory had scarcely taken definite
form, there came the Presidential election of 1848. In the Whig
convention Clay's ambition received its final disappointment; Webster
had hardly a chance; all the statesmen of the party were set aside in
favor of General Zachary Taylor of Louisiana, an upright, soldierly man,
a slaveholder, entirely unversed in civil affairs, and his claim resting
solely on successful generalship in the war. The Democrats nominated
Lewis Cass of Michigan, a mediocre politician, regarded by the South as
a trustworthy servant. The third party displayed new strength, and
exchanged the name of "Liberty" for "Free Soil." Under the stimulus of
recent events recruits of power and promise came to its standard. In
Massachusetts it gained such men as Samuel Hoar, Charles Sumner, Charles
Francis Adams, and Henry Wilson from the Whigs; and from the Democrats,
Robert Rantoul and N. P. Banks. Wilson and Charles Allen, delegates to
the Whig convention, declared,--when that body in its resolutions
absolutely ignored the question of slavery extension, and sank all
principles in a hurrah for "Old Rough and Ready,"--that they would no
longer support the party. They went home to work with their old
friends, the "Conscience Whigs," for the success of the Free Soil party,
whose convention was to meet at Buffalo. To that convention came strong
allies from Ohio. There were Joshua Giddings, for years one of the few
congressmen classed distinctly as anti-slavery, and Salmon P. Chase. New
York State offered a reinforcement strong in numbers, but in some
respects questionable. The anti-slavery Democrats in the State,
nicknamed "Barnburners"--because "they would burn the barn to get rid of
the rats"--were ready to break with their party, but their quarrel was
partly a personal one. They were welcomed, however, and from their ranks
was selected the Presidential candidate--of all men, ex-President Martin
Van Buren, known of old as "the Northern man with Southern principles,"
but willing now to Northernize his principles with the Presidency in
view. Such a nomination went far to take the heart out of the genuine
anti-slavery men; and the strong name of Charles Francis Adams for
vice-president could not make good the weakness of the head of the
ticket. Should a real Free Soiler vote for Van Buren,--the probable
effect being to improve Cass's chances over Taylor, just as the Birney
vote four years earlier had beaten Clay and brought in Polk and all his
consequences--or vote for Taylor, trusting to his personal character and
the influences surrounding him for a practical advantage to the side of
freedom? The latter alternative was the choice of many, including Horace
Greeley and his associates, Thurlow Weed and William H. Seward. With
such help, and mainly on his strength as a military hero, Taylor was
elected. In the result there was considerable hope for the anti-slavery
cause.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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