The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and EnfranchisementMerriam, George Spring
History
The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement
Merriam, George Spring
African Americans -- History; Slavery -- United States -- History
When on the 7th of March Webster rose to speak, the Senate and the
country hung on his words. He too was drawing toward the end, but his
powers were unabated. Hope was strong that in him would be found the
champion of freedom. But the key of his speech was a view of the
situation, not as a contest between freedom and slavery, but as an
opposition of geographical sections, inflamed by extremists on both
sides. The mischief, he declared, was due to Southern disunionists and
Northern Abolitionists. The remedy was a calm, patriotic temper; the
rebuke of fanaticism of both kinds, and the acceptance of reasonable
accommodations and adjustments. He approved substantially the scheme
proposed by Clay. The formal exclusion of slavery from New Mexico was an
unnecessary affront to the South; natural conditions would prevent
slavery there. A fugitive slave law was fairly required by the
Constitution and the South had a right to claim it. He, like Clay,
declared peaceable secession an impossibility, and his speech,
impressive throughout by the power of a lucid and massive intellect,
rose at its close to lofty eloquence in a plea for the maintenance of
the Union and a warning of the catastrophe which secession would
precipitate.
The defect of the speech was its complete failure to recognize the wrong
and mischief of slavery. Webster had rarely shown himself a moral
idealist, except as to the sentiment of patriotism. He was identified
with the prosperous and "respectable" classes, and the sufferings of the
poor and oppressed woke little sympathy in him. These limitations had
always been apparent, and while Clay seemed to grow finer and gentler
with advance of years, Webster's course was the other way. That imperial
and commanding presence, with its imposing stature and Jove-like visage,
was the tenement of a richly dowered nature. He had not only great
powers of intellect, but warm affections, generous sentiments, and
wholesome tastes for humanity and the outdoor world, but his moral
fiber, never of the stanchest grain, had been sapped by prosperity. He
was self-indulgent in his personal habits and heedless of homely
obligations. His ambition was strong, and as the favor of the South had
come to be the almost necessary condition of the Presidency, he could
not escape the suspicion of courting that favor. He was in substantial
agreement with Clay as to the compromise measures, but the Kentuckian
rose higher than his section and his look was forward; while Webster was
distinctly below the characteristic temper of New England, and his
movement was retrograde. The anti-slavery men mourned his 7th of March
speech as a great apostasy, and Whittier branded it in his poem of
"Ichabod," which fell with Judgment-day weight. Yet it was not an
apostasy, but the natural culmination of his course; and in spite of its
error, he still was true to the characteristic sentiment of his best
period, the love of the Union. His voice like Clay's gave
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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