The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and EnfranchisementMerriam, George Spring
History
The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement
Merriam, George Spring
African Americans -- History; Slavery -- United States -- History
In its actual administration, the system was in a measure softened and
humanized. It was more humane in the border than in the cotton and sugar
States, and it was generally better when a plantation was managed by its
owner than when left to an overseer,--as the plantation of Fanny
Kemble's husband had been left. But in one respect its disastrous effect
was everywhere felt. By associating manual labor with the stigma of
servitude, it bred, in free men, a strong disrelish for work,--a most
demoralizing and ruinous influence. Inefficiency and degradation were
the marks of the non-slaveholding whites. The master class missed the
wholesome regimen of toil. Nature is never more beneficent than when
she lays on man the imperative command "Thou shalt work." Of all ways of
evading it the worst is to shift the burden to another man. In being
driven to do other men's work as well as his own the negro found some
compensation, but his enslaver paid a constant and heavy penalty.
CHAPTER XIII
THE STRUGGLE FOR KANSAS
The foremost politician of the Northwest, in the early '50s, was Stephen
A. Douglas, United States senator from Illinois. He was a native of
Vermont, and had early gone West and pushed his fortunes with energy,
audacity, and shrewdness. He was an effective, popular speaker; and his
short and stout frame and large head had won for him the nickname of
"The Little Giant." He was a leader in the Democratic party, and a
prominent Presidential candidate, but never identified with any great
political principle or broad policy. He was chairman of the Senate
committee on Territories, and early in the session of 1853-4 he
introduced a bill for the organization of a vast section hitherto known
as "the Platte country," a part of the Louisiana purchase, lying next to
the western tier of States, and stretching from Indian Territory to
Canada; all of which was now to constitute the Territory of Nebraska,
or, as it was soon divided, the two Territories of Nebraska and Kansas.
This region had as yet been scarcely touched by permanent settlers, but
it was the next step in the great onward march toward the Pacific. It
lay north of the line of 36 degrees 30 minutes, above which it had been
declared by the compromise act of 1820 slavery should never be extended.
Douglas incorporated in his "Kansas-Nebraska" bill, a clause declaring
that the prohibition of slavery north of 36 degrees 30 minutes, by the
act of 1820, had been "superseded by the principles of the legislation
of 1850," and was "inoperative and void." Later he added the
explanatory clause: "It being the true intent and meaning of this act,
not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it
therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and
regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to
the Constitution of the United States." On its face, this was a proposal
to withdraw the congressional prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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