The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and EnfranchisementMerriam, George Spring
History
The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement
Merriam, George Spring
African Americans -- History; Slavery -- United States -- History
The Congress of 1855-6, divided between an administration Senate and an
opposition House, accomplished little but talk. One chapter of this talk
had a notable sequel. Charles Sumner, in an elaborate and powerful
oration in the Senate, denounced slavery, "the sum of all villainies,"
and bitterly satirized one of its prominent defenders, Senator Butler of
South Carolina. He compared Butler to Don Quixote, enamored of slavery
as was the knight of his Dulcinea, and unconscious that instead of a
peerless lady she was but a wanton. The response to the speech was made
by a nephew of Senator Butler and member of the House, Preston S. Brooks
of South Carolina. He entered the Senate chamber during a recess,
accompanied and guarded by a friend and fellow member, Lawrence Keitt;
approached Sumner as he sat writing at his desk, and without words
felled him to the ground with a heavy cane, and beat him about the head
till he was insensible. Sumner, a man of fine physique, was for a long
time an invalid from the assault, and was unable for years to resume his
place in the Senate.
It was not so much the individual act of Brooks as its treatment by his
party and section that gave the deepest significance to the deed and
produced the most lasting effect. A friendly magistrate sentenced Brooks
to a nominal fine and so forestalled further prosecution. His party
friends in Congress left all public rebuke of the deed to Republicans. A
motion to expel Brooks and Keitt from the House failed of the necessary
two-thirds vote. They resigned, and were promptly and triumphantly
re-elected. Noisy applause of the attack came from all parts of the
South, with a stack of canes marked "Hit him again." That better class
of Southerners by whom the assault was felt, as one of them expressed it
long afterward, "like a blow in the face," made no demonstration. So far
from losing caste, as a gentleman or a public man, Brooks not only kept
his place in society, but was honored a few months later with a public
banquet, at which such men as Butler and Toombs and Mason joined in the
laudations, and gave a background to the scene by free threats of
disunion if the Republicans elected their President.
This treatment of Brooks made an impression at the North far beyond the
first hot indignation at his brutal outrage. The condonation and
applause of that outrage was taken as sure evidence of a barbaric state
of opinion, the natural accompaniment of slavery. What made the matter
worse was that the assault had a technical justification under the code
of honor which it was Brooks's pride as a Southern gentleman to observe.
The code called on a man who had given offense by his words to meet the
offended man in a duel, and if he refused, he was fairly subject to
public disgrace or even physical chastisement. Such a theory and
practice, and the sentiments associated with it, stamped slavery with a
heavier condemnation than orator or novelist could frame.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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