Again, it must not be overlooked that the constitution of 1796 in
Tennessee was drafted by a committee of very able statesmen, among whom
were such distinguished men as Andrew Jackson, William Cocke, Joseph
Anderson, William Blount, W. C. C. Claiborne, and John Rhea.[53] Andrew
Jackson was a very prominent leader in the Convention; William Cocke
had participated in founding the Franklin State, and was, also, one
of the founders of the Transylvania Republic, twice a Senator of the
United States from Tennessee, and a leader in the Mississippi Territory.
Joseph Anderson was one of the territorial Judges for sixteen years,
United States Senator and Comptroller of the Treasury of the United
States. William Blount had been governor of the Southwest Territory.
William C. C. Claiborne was Judge of the Superior Court of the State, the
successor of Andrew Jackson in Congress, first Governor of the territory
of Mississippi, Governor of Louisiana, and United States senator-elect
at the time of his death. John Rhea was for eighteen years a member of
Congress. It is unreasonable to suppose that these men together with
their colleagues did not know the meaning of the word “freemen” in the
Constitution of 1796.[54] They certainly knew that the free negro had
been voting in Colonial North Carolina, that he continued to vote under
her constitution of 1776, and that he would vote in Tennessee as he
had been doing before the separation from North Carolina unless he was
disfranchised.
The contention of this thesis is that the free negro was intentionally
and deliberately enfranchised by the Convention of 1796. The proof may be
summarized as follows: 1st, that the terms “freemen” and “freeholders”
were the subject of discussion throughout Colonial North Carolina
with thorough understanding as to their meaning; 2nd, that the act of
1715 specifically excepted the negro from the term “freemen,” thus
disfranchising him; 4th, that the act of 1735 re-enfranchised him; 5th,
that the North Carolina constitution of 1776 enfranchised him; 6th,
that the convention of 1796 in Tennessee used the terms “freemen,”
“freeholders,” and “free white persons,” showing that it must have
knowingly used these terms; 7th, that these terms were carefully used in
contemporary constitutions; and 8th, that it is inconceivable that the
able and experienced statesmen that framed the Tennessee Constitution
were not conversant with these terms.
C. _Suffrage from 1796 to 1834._
From 1796 to 1834 there was a complete revolution in the attitude of
Tennessee people toward the negro. This has already been pointed out in
the discussion of the churches, manumission societies, and the policy
of exclusion adopted in 1831. Attention has already been called to the
growing economic importance of slavery in the period and the consequent
opposition to the free negro.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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