The negro: the southerner's problemPage, Thomas Nelson
History
The negro: the southerner's problem
Page, Thomas Nelson
African Americans; United States -- Race relations
Slave-holding even in Federal territory was not forbidden until June
19, 1862, which was just a month before the bill was passed providing
that all “slaves of persistent rebels found in any place occupied or
commanded by the forces of the Union should not be returned to their
masters [as they had hitherto been under the law], and providing that
they might be enlisted to fight for the Union.”
A Constitutional Amendment (the Thirteenth), abolishing and
prohibiting evermore the enslavement of human beings, failed to
pass in the House of Representatives in the session of 1864, and
would have failed altogether had not a member from Ohio changed his
vote in order to move a reconsideration and keep it alive till the
following session, when Mr. Lincoln having been reëlected, and having
recommended its passage, and the war being evidently near its end, it
was passed by a vote of 119 yeas to 57 nays.
Indeed, before Mr. Lincoln issued his emancipation proclamation he
gave one hundred days’ warning to the revolutionary States to lay
down their arms, and in the proclamation he places the entire matter
forever at rest by declaring in terms, in that unmistakable English
of which he was a master, that the measure was adopted “upon military
necessity.”
No one can read this record and not admit that slavery was abolished
in the providence of God, against the intention of the North and of
the South alike, because its purpose had been accomplished, and the
time was ripe for its ending.
V
The next step is the discussion of the attitude in which we, the
white people of the South, stand to the Negro. This attitude is too
striking, if not too anomalous, not to have attracted wide attention.
A race with an historic and glorious past, in a high stage of
civilization, stands confronted by a race of their former slaves,
invested with every civil and political right which they themselves
possess, and supported by an outside public sentiment, which if
not inimical to the dominant race, is at least unsympathetic. The
two races cannot be termed with exactness hostile—in many respects,
not even unfriendly; but they are suspicious of each other; their
interests are in some essential particulars conflicting, and in
others may easily be made so; the former slave race has been for over
thirty years politically useful to the outsiders by whose sentiment
they are sustained, and the former dominant race is unalterably
assertive of the imperative necessity that it shall govern the
inferior race and not be governed by it.
Now what is the question? Is it merely the question, “whether the
Negro shall not have the right to choose his own rulers”; or is it a
great race issue between the Negro and the White?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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