But, curiously enough, there is just one point where the combined operation of the laws of contraband and of blockade _may_ increase our power of seizing cotton. It follows from what I have said in the second article with reference to the importance of reducing both laws to a common denomination of language,[52] that the reinforcement of even our ‘long-distance blockade’ by the addition of cotton to the list of absolute contraband will enable us to seize cargoes of cotton by isolated cruisers before the neutral ships which carry them reach the area in which the cordon of cruisers is operating. If this is a valuable power, as to which I am sceptical, it is right that it should be claimed and exercised; and it is one of the powers which result from the new Proclamation. I feel sure that the critics of the Government had not this addition to our powers solely in their minds; they certainly did not so formulate their criticism. But the action which the critics wanted the Government to take has been taken; and I think the reason may not be far to seek. The American merchant, like his Government, believes that there is much virtue in technical terms. He says ‘put cotton on the list of absolute contraband; I know what that means; then I shall know where I am.’ I pointed out in the first article that the problem of the neutral trader is a very complex one, ‘for each belligerent as a buyer must strive to keep him in a good humour, but as a fighter must do all he can to thwart him.’[53] The cotton-grower of the Southern States prefers to be thwarted in this manner, and the British Government has humoured him. He prefers the risk of confiscation to the possibility of having his cargo returned to him if he is ‘the lawful owner thereof.’ So all is well. The comments which have appeared since the Proclamation was issued have laid much stress on the deterrent effect it is bound to have on the cotton shippers, because the Order in Council does not provide for confiscation of cargoes of non-contraband, whereas now that cotton is contraband it must be confiscated. Also the complaint has been revived that the Order in Council was loosely enforced, and it is imagined that the declaration of contraband will of itself ensure a stricter supervision of cargoes of cotton at sea. It is difficult to follow either arguments, even on the supposition that this latter criticism is justified. For the machine by which both the Order in Council and the contraband Proclamation must be carried out is the same--the Fleet. The effectiveness of this machine, the efficiency of the Fleet, is obviously the dominating factor of the situation, whether it be governed by the Order or by the Proclamation. The deterrent nature of the fact that confiscation is now inevitable may possibly reduce the number of cargoes of cotton with which the Fleet may have to deal, but the other fact remains, that the Fleet will deal with them whatever may be their number.