Germany -- History -- Revolution, 1918; Germany -- Politics and government -- 1918-1933
Yet, those of our rulers who wanted a real peace treaty not a mere
truce for dividing the spoils, ought to have known, what the Americans
did not, that no peace could be got through a diplomatic conference
at Paris. They should, in the first place, have secured a real
representation of the popular forces of the British Empire, and in the
second place, a forum where those forces could take effect. Public
opinion had already provided the foundation of such a forum in the
demand for a League of Nations. The proper procedure, obviously, was
to stop hostilities, subject to guarantees, and to set up a League of
Nations that should make peace. It would have taken little longer to
get together than did the diplomatic delegations, and would certainly
have taken no longer in reaching a result. Both its constitution and
its conclusions would probably have been resisted to the verge of
rupture by the French and Italian Governments; but would, with the
moral sanction of the League and with the urgent pressure of the
military situation, have been easily enforced by the British and
Americans. MM. Clemenceau and Tardieu could override Messrs. Lloyd
George and Philip Kerr easily enough, for, after all, the former do
stand for forces, the latter are merely phenomena. They could even
override Messrs. Wilson and Lansing, for though these did represent
real forces, they could not reproduce them in Paris. But mixed French
and Italian delegations of all parties would have offered points of
contact to British and American Liberals and even to German and
Russian Socialists. The cleavages between the various national
interests would have been bridged and an internationalist cement
introduced to counteract the imperialist cleavages. Of course, such a
body would not have elaborated the details of peace in a plenary
debate. It would have proceeded as national Constituent Assemblies
always have done after civil war. It would have debated and approved
general principles for its own permanent constitution and the
resettlement of Europe, and referred them for elaboration to
committees controlling the diplomatic experts.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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